Otkliki,6 No. 2). But Plekhanov speaks in high praise of Vasilyev, who, in Plekhanov’s opinion, is a “tireless and popular Social-Democratic organiser of the Swiss workers” and who “will render numerous services to the Russian workers’ cause” (see Mir Bozhy for June 1906). Which of these two Mensheviks should be believed? Plekhanov or Martov? And besides, did not Martov himself write recently: “The strife between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat strengthens the position of the autocracy and thereby retards the success of the emancipation of the people”? (See Elmar, “The People and the State Duma,” p. 20.) Who does not know that this non-Marxist view is the real basis of the liberal “proposal” advanced by Vasilyev?

As you see, the Mensheviks are so enchanted with the “revolutionariness” of the liberal bourgeoisie, they place so much hope on its “revolutionariness,” that to please it they are even ready to consign the Social-Democratic programme to oblivion.

How does K. Kautsky regard our liberal bourgeoisie? Whom does he regard as the true ally of the proletariat? What does he say on this question?

“At the present time (i.e., in the present Russian revolution) the proletariat is no longer a mere appendage and tool of the bourgeoisie, as was the case during the bourgeois revolutions, but is an independent class, with independent revolutionary aims. But where the proletariat comes out in this manner the bourgeoisie ceases to be a revolutionary class. The Russian bourgeoisie, in so far as it is liberal at all and pursues an independent class policy, undoubtedly hates absolutism, but it hates revolution still more. . . . And in so far as it wants political freedom it does so mainly because it regards it as the only means of putting an end to revolution. Thus, the bourgeoisie is not one of the driving forces of the presentday revolutionary movement in Russia. . . . The proletariat and the peasantry alone have a firm community of interests during the whole period of the revolutionary struggle. And this is what must serve as the basis of the entire revolutionary tactics of Russian Social-Democracy. . . . Without the peasants we cannot today achieve victory in Russia” (see Chapter V).

That is what Kautsky says.

We think that comment is superfluous.

The third question of our disagreements is: What will be the class content of the victory of our revolution, or, in other words, which classes must achieve victory in our revolution, which classes must win power? The Bolsheviks assert that as the proletariat and the peasantry are the main forces in the present revolution, and as their victory is impossible unless they support each other, it is they who will win power, and, therefore, the victory of the revolution will mean the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry (see Lenin’s Two Tactics and “The Victory of the Cadets”).

The Mensheviks, on the other hand, reject the dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry, they do not believe that power will be won by the proletariat and the peasantry. In their opinion power must come into the hands of a Cadet Duma. Consequently, they support with extraordinary zeal the Cadet slogan of a responsible ministry. Thus, instead of the dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry, the Mensheviks offer us the dictatorship of the Cadets (see Martynov’s Two Dictatorships, and also the newspapers Golos Truda,8 Nashe Delo, and others).

What is K. Kautsky’s view on this question?

On this point Kautsky bluntly says that “the revolutionary strength of Russian Social-Democracy and the possibility of its victory lie in the community of interests of the industrial proletariat and the peasantry” (see Chapter V). That is to say, the revolution will be victorious only if the proletariat and the peasantry fight side by side for the common victory—the dictatorship of the Cadets is anti-revolutionary.

The fourth question of our disagreements is: During revolutionary storms a so-called provisional revolutionary government will, of course, automatically arise. Is it permissible for Social-Democracy to enter the revolutionary government? The Bolsheviks say that to enter such a provisional government is not only permissible from the point of view of principle, but also necessary for practical reasons, in order that Social-Democracy may effectively protect the interests of the proletariat and of the revolution in the provisional revolutionary government. If in the street fighting the proletariat, jointly with the peasants, overthrows the old order, and if it sheds its blood together with them, it is only natural that it should also enter the provisional revolutionary government with them, in order to lead the revolution to the desired results (see Lenin’s Two Tactics).

The Mensheviks, however, reject the idea of entering the provisional revolutionary government. They say that it is impermissible for Social-Democracy, that it is unseemly for a Social-Democrat, that it will be fatal for the proletariat (see Martynov’s Two Dictatorships). What does K. Kautsky say on this point?

“It is quite possible that with the further progress of the revolution victory will be achieved by the Social-Democratic Party. . . .” But it does not mean that “the revolution which Russia is passing through will at once lead to the introduction in Russia of the socialist mode of production, even if it temporarily entrusted the helm of state to Social-Democracy” (see Chapter V). As you see, in Kautsky’s opinion, not only is it permissible to enter a provisional revolutionary government, it may even happen that “the helm of state will temporarily” pass entirely and exclusively into the hands of Social-Democracy.

Such are Kautsky’s views on the principal questions of our disagreements.

As you see, Kautsky, an outstanding theoretician of Social-Democracy, and the Bolsheviks are in complete agreement with each other.

This is not denied even by the Mensheviks, except, of course, for a few “official” Mensheviks who have probably not set eyes on Kautsky’s pamphlet. Martov, for example, definitely says that “in his final deduction, Kautsky agrees with Comrade Lenin and his like-minded friends who have proclaimed the democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry” (see Otkliki, No. 2, p. 19). And that means that the Mensheviks do not agree with K. Kautsky, or rather, that Kautsky does not agree with the Mensheviks.

And so, who agrees with the Mensheviks, and with whom, finally, do the Mensheviks agree?

Here is what history tells us about it. On December 27 (1906), a debate was held in Solyanoi Gorodok (in St. Petersburg). In the course of the debate the Cadet leader P. Struve said: “You will all be Cadets. . . . The Mensheviks are already being called semi-Cadets. Many people regard Plekhanov as a Cadet and, indeed, the Cadets can welcome much of what Plekhanov says now, it is a pity, however, that he did not say this when the Cadets stood alone” (see Tovarishch of December 28, 1906). So you see who agrees with the Mensheviks.

Will it be surprising if the Mensheviks agree with them and take the path of liberalism?. . .

February 10, 1907

Reprinted from the pamphlet

Signed: Koba

Translated from the Georgian