Where the Tito Group's Nationalism Leads in Yugoslavia

Source: Tom 18

The well-known resolution of the Information Bureau of the Communist Parties, adopted in June 1948, "On the Situation in the Communist Party of Yugoslavia," pointed out that in the leadership of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in recent months, nationalist elements that had previously existed in concealed form had come to predominate, that the leadership of the Yugoslav Communist Party had broken with the internationalist traditions of the Yugoslav Communist Party and taken the path of nationalism.

All Communist Parties, the entire camp of people's democracy and socialism, unanimously endorsed the resolution of the Information Bureau "On the Situation in the Communist Party of Yugoslavia." All Communist Parties of the world recognized that with its nationalist policy, the present Yugoslav leadership, i.e., the Tito group, is playing into the hands of the imperialists, isolating Yugoslavia, and weakening it.

Has the Tito group drawn the proper lessons from these facts?

Has the Tito group understood that a nationalist policy leads to the loss of Yugoslavia's most faithful allies in the form of the Communist Parties of the world, that this circumstance has already led to the isolation of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, to the weakening of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia both externally and internally?

Has the Tito group understood that the only way out of this grave situation, into which it has driven the party and the country, is to acknowledge its errors, break with nationalism, and return to the family of Communist Parties?

No, the Tito group has not drawn the proper lessons, and there is no indication that it understands these simple and obvious things.

On the contrary. To the just, comradely criticism of the Tito group's errors by the fraternal Communist Parties, by the entire camp of people's democracy and socialism, it responds through the Belgrade press with vulgar abuse, the fomenting of national enmity against the peoples of neighboring democratic countries, and widespread repressions, arrests, and the killing of Communists and non-Communists who dare to express doubt about the correctness of the Tito group's nationalist policy. Just recently, Colonel General of the Yugoslav Army, Comrade Arso Jovanovic — a hero of Yugoslavia's liberation war, former Chief of the General Staff of Yugoslavia during the liberation movement, and head of Yugoslavia's military school — was killed by agents of Tito's deputy, the notorious Rankovic. He was killed for having doubted the correctness of the nationalist and terrorist policy of the Tito group. In connection with this, it is openly said in Yugoslavia that "the Tito group is degenerating into a clique of political murderers."

As is evident, the Tito group does not intend to acknowledge and correct its errors. More precisely, it is afraid and lacks the courage to acknowledge them, for to acknowledge one's errors and correct them requires courage. Worse still: in its "panic," it seizes and represses anyone who dares to mention its errors.

Lenin says:

"The attitude of a political party toward its own mistakes is one of the most important and surest criteria of the seriousness of the party and of its actual fulfillment of its obligations toward its class and toward the toiling masses. Openly to acknowledge a mistake, to reveal its causes, to analyze the conditions that gave rise to it, to carefully discuss the means of correcting it — that is a sign of a serious party, that is the fulfillment of its obligations, that is educating and training the class, and then the masses."

Obviously, the Tito group cannot in any way be counted among the kind of courageous and honest, party-loving leaders of whom Lenin speaks.

The principal nationalist fall from grace of the Tito group occurred in the period before the convocation of the Information Bureau of the Communist Parties, in the spring of 1948. The open nationalist position of the Tito group began with its refusal to participate in the Conference of the Information Bureau of the Communist Parties and to discuss together with the fraternal parties the question of the situation in the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. Despite repeated proposals to send a delegation of the Yugoslav Communist Party to the Conference and present its point of view at the Conference, following the example of what had taken place at the previous Conference with regard to other Communist Parties, the Tito group flatly refused to take part in the work of the Conference. It became clear that the Tito group did not value its friendship with the Communist Parties, including the Communist Party of the USSR. This was an open break with the internationalist united front of the Communist Parties. This was a break with internationalism and a transition to the rails of nationalism.

The Belgrade newspaper Borba claims that Tito and his associates stand for a united anti-imperialist front. This is, of course, untrue, calculated to deceive "simple people." Indeed, what kind of anti-imperialist position of the Tito group can there be when this group cannot even coexist in one family with the Communist Parties of countries close to Yugoslavia?

The second fundamental fact demonstrating the nationalist fall from grace of the Tito group must be considered the unworthy, hypocritical, anti-Leninist behavior of this group at the Fifth Congress of the Yugoslav Communist Party. Naive people expected that the congress would work under the banner of friendship with the Communist Parties, under the banner of strengthening the anti-imperialist front of the people's democratic countries and the USSR. In reality, however, something directly opposite occurred. In reality, the Tito group turned the congress into an arena of struggle against the Communist Parties of neighboring countries, an arena of struggle against the united anti-imperialist front of the people's democratic countries. It was a congress of a campaign against the people's democratic countries and their Communist Parties, against the USSR and its Communist Party.

Of course, in Yugoslavia it is not entirely safe to speak openly about a campaign against the USSR and the people's democratic countries: for the Yugoslav peoples stand firmly for an alliance with the USSR and the people's democratic countries. Therefore, the Tito group resorted to a cheap trick and decided to mask this reactionary campaign with flowery phrases about love for the USSR, about friendship with the USSR, about the great role of the USSR in the liberation movement, and so on. The matter even went so far that Tito's associates proposed that Stalin join in this dishonorable campaign and take it upon himself to defend the nationalist Tito group against criticism by the Communist Parties of the USSR and other democratic countries. The staff of the Belgrade press employed every conceivable trick and machination, performed the most unexpected and ludicrous acrobatic leaps and somersaults to prove to the Yugoslav people that black is white and white is black, that the Tito group's campaign against socialism and democracy is a secondary matter, while the "alliance" with the USSR and the "united front" with it is the foremost concern of the Tito group. But in reality, the Tito group in those days joined a common camp with the imperialists, smearing mud at the Communist Parties of the people's democratic countries and the USSR — to the delight of imperialists of all countries. Instead of a united front with the Communist Parties there emerged a united front with the imperialists. The Fifth Congress of the Yugoslav Communist Party endorsed and consolidated the nationalist policy of the Tito group.

The political acrobats from the newspaper Borba demand that the Communist Parties cease exposing the errors of the Tito group, that the Communist Parties extend trust and support to this group, claiming that otherwise such a "campaign" against the Tito group could inflict serious damage on Yugoslavia.

No, gentlemen! The Communist Parties cannot extend either trust or support to the nationalist policy of the Tito group. It is entirely possible that this circumstance may inflict damage on Yugoslavia. But the blame for this lies not with the Communist Parties but with the nationalist Tito group, which has broken with the Communist Parties and declared war on them.

The political acrobats from the newspaper Borba must understand that Marxism and nationalism are incompatible, that nationalism, as the ideology of the bourgeoisie, is the enemy of Marxism. They must understand that Marxism-Leninism cannot tolerate nationalism or a deviation toward nationalism in the Communist Parties, that it is obligated to destroy nationalism in whatever forms it may be clothed — in the name of the interests of the toilers, in the name of the freedom and friendship of peoples, in the name of the victorious building of socialism.

Lenin says:

"Bourgeois nationalism and proletarian internationalism — these are two irreconcilably hostile slogans corresponding to the two great class camps of the entire capitalist world and expressing two policies (and moreover: two worldviews)."

Under conditions where the power of the bourgeoisie has been overthrown, the exploiting classes and their agents attempt to use the poisoned weapon of nationalism to restore the old order.

In connection with this, Stalin says:

"A deviation toward nationalism is the adaptation of the internationalist policy of the working class to the nationalist policy of the bourgeoisie... A deviation toward nationalism reflects the attempt of 'one's own' national bourgeoisie... to restore capitalism."

Nationalism in the Yugoslav Communist Party strikes a blow not only at the common anti-imperialist front but — first and foremost — at the interests of Yugoslavia itself, both in the sphere of foreign policy and in the sphere of domestic policy.

The nationalism of the Tito group in the sphere of foreign policy leads to a break with the united front of the world revolutionary movement of the toilers, to the loss by Yugoslavia of its most faithful allies, to the self-isolation of Yugoslavia. The nationalism of the Tito group disarms Yugoslavia in the face of its external enemies.

The nationalism of the Tito group in the sphere of domestic policy leads to a policy of peace between exploiters and exploited, to a policy of "unifying" exploiters and exploited in a single "national" front, to a policy of departing from class struggle, about the possibility of the peaceful absorption of exploiters into socialism — to the demobilization of the fighting spirit of Yugoslavia's toilers. The nationalism of the Tito group disarms the toilers of Yugoslavia in the face of their internal enemies.

A year ago, when the Tito group had not yet displayed nationalist tendencies and cooperated with the fraternal parties, Yugoslavia felt confident and boldly moved forward, relying on its closest allies in the form of the foreign Communist Parties. Such was the state of affairs in the recent past. However, after the Tito group's transition to the rails of nationalism, the picture changed drastically. After the Tito group broke with the united front of the Communist Parties and began treating the people's democratic countries with arrogance, Yugoslavia began to lose its most faithful allies, and it found itself isolated in the face of its external and internal enemies.

Such are the sad results of the Tito group's nationalist policy.

The Tito group has failed to understand what is perfectly understandable and obvious to every Communist. It has failed to understand the simple truth that under modern conditions of the international situation, the fraternal solidarity of the Communist Parties, mutual cooperation and friendship of the people's democratic countries, cooperation and friendship with the USSR are the main conditions for the rise and flourishing of the people's democratic countries on the front of building socialism, the main guarantee of their national freedom and independence from encroachments by imperialism.

The political acrobats from the newspaper Borba further assert that the criticism of the Tito group's errors has turned into a campaign against the Yugoslav Communist Party, a campaign against the peoples of Yugoslavia.

This is, of course, untrue. No campaign has been waged or is being waged against the peoples of Yugoslavia. It would be generally criminal to wage any campaign against the Yugoslav peoples, whose heroic exploits are universally known. It is also known that the peoples of Yugoslavia stand firmly for a united front with the people's democratic countries and the USSR. They in no way bear responsibility for the nationalist policy of the Tito group. We regard the Yugoslav peoples as our faithful allies.

Nor has any campaign been waged or is being waged against the Yugoslav Communist Party as a whole. We know well that the majority of the Yugoslav Communist Party stands firmly for friendship with the Communists of other countries, for friendship with the USSR and its Communist Party. The presence of internationalist traditions in the ranks of the majority of the Yugoslav Communist Party is beyond doubt. We also know that the majority of the Yugoslav Communist Party does not approve of the nationalist policy of the Tito group. We know that it is precisely for this reason that it is being subjected to harsh repressions by the Tito group and its agents.

The "campaign" is being waged not against the peoples of Yugoslavia and the Yugoslav Communist Party as a whole, but against the nationalist Tito group. It is being waged in order to help the Yugoslav Communist Party sort out the errors of the Tito group and liquidate the nationalist policy of the Yugoslav leadership.

Finally, the political acrobats from the newspaper Borba assert that the Tito group is inseparable from the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, that it represents the majority of the Yugoslav Communist Party.

This too is untrue. A year ago the Tito group may have represented the majority of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. But that was a year ago. Now, after the break with the Communist Parties, after having quarreled with all the neighboring republics, after having migrated to the camp of nationalism, the Tito group no longer represents the majority of the party. Now the Tito group is the Tito faction, enjoying the trust of only a minority of the party and using the state apparatus to suppress the will of the internationalist majority of the party. The Tito faction has itself separated from the party, inasmuch as it has placed the party under the surveillance of the executioner Rankovic and inasmuch as it has established in the party a harsh terrorist regime with its repressions, mass arrests, and murders. In reality, the Tito faction is now in a state of war with its own party. Only the blind cannot see this. If the Tito faction has proved incapable of maintaining order in the party by the usual democratic methods and has found itself compelled to resort to mass repressions, this means that it long ago lost the trust of the majority of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia.

The Tito faction represents only a minority of the Yugoslav Communist Party, relying not on the trust of the party but on the administrative-police apparatus of Yugoslavia.

The CC.

Pravda, September 8, 1948.