Speech at the Plenum of the CC CPSU, 16 October 1952

Source: Tom 18

So, we have concluded the Party Congress. It went well, and it may seem to many that complete unity exists among us. However, we do not have such unity. Some express disagreement with our decisions.

They ask: why have we significantly expanded the membership of the Central Committee? But is it not obvious that the CC needed an infusion of fresh forces? We old men will all die sooner or later, but we must think about to whom, into whose hands, we shall entrust the relay baton of our great cause. Who will carry it forward? For that, younger, devoted people are needed — political leaders. And what does it mean to cultivate a political, a state leader? It requires great effort. It will take ten — no, a full fifteen years to bring up a statesman.

But desire alone is not enough. Ideologically steadfast statesmen can be educated only through practical work, through the daily effort of implementing the Party's general line, through overcoming the resistance of all manner of hostile opportunist elements who seek to impede and wreck the building of socialism. And it will fall to political leaders of Leninist experience, brought up by our Party, to break these hostile attempts in struggle and achieve complete success in the realization of our great goals.

Is it not clear that we must raise the role of the Party, of its Party committees? Can we forget about improving the Party's work among the masses — as Lenin taught us? All this demands an influx of young, fresh forces into the Central Committee, the leading headquarters of our Party. And that is precisely what we have done, following Lenin's instructions. That is why we expanded the membership of the CC. And the Party itself has grown considerably.

They ask why we relieved prominent Party and state leaders from important ministerial posts. What can be said on that score? We relieved Molotov, Kaganovich, Voroshilov, and others of their ministerial duties and replaced them with new workers. Why? On what grounds? The work of a minister is grueling work. It demands great strength, specific expertise, and good health. That is why we relieved certain distinguished comrades of the posts they held and appointed in their place new, more qualified, more energetic workers. They are young people, full of strength and energy. We must support them in their responsible work.

As for the prominent political and state leaders themselves — they remain prominent political and state leaders. We have transferred them to work as deputy chairmen of the Council of Ministers. So I do not even know how many deputies I have now.

One cannot avoid touching on the improper conduct of certain prominent political leaders, if we are speaking of unity in our affairs. I have in mind Comrades Molotov and Mikoyan.

Molotov is a person devoted to our cause. Call on him, and I have no doubt he would give his life for the Party without hesitation. But we cannot pass over his unworthy actions. Comrade Molotov, our Minister of Foreign Affairs, while under the influence of "chartreuse" at a diplomatic reception, gave his consent to the British ambassador to publish bourgeois newspapers and journals in our country. Why? On what grounds was it necessary to give such consent? Is it not clear that the bourgeoisie is our class enemy, and that distributing the bourgeois press among Soviet people will bring nothing but harm? Such a false step, if permitted, would exert a damaging, negative influence on the minds and worldview of Soviet people, would lead to the weakening of our Communist ideology and the strengthening of bourgeois ideology. This is the first political error of Comrade Molotov.

And what about Comrade Molotov's proposal to hand Crimea over to the Jews? This is a gross error by Comrade Molotov. Why did he need this? How can such a thing be allowed? On what grounds did Comrade Molotov put forward such a proposal? We have a Jewish Autonomous Region — Birobidzhan. Is that not enough? Let that republic develop. And Comrade Molotov should not serve as an advocate for unlawful Jewish claims upon our Soviet Crimea. This is the second political error of Comrade Molotov. Comrade Molotov conducts himself improperly as a member of the Politburo. And we categorically rejected his contrived proposals.

Comrade Molotov has such great respect for his wife that no sooner do we adopt a Politburo decision on some important political question than it quickly becomes known to Comrade Zhemchuzhina. It turns out as though some invisible thread connects the Politburo to Molotov's wife, Zhemchuzhina, and her friends. And she is surrounded by friends who cannot be trusted. It is clear that such behavior by a Politburo member is impermissible.

Now about Comrade Mikoyan. He, you see, objects to raising the agricultural tax on the peasants. Who is he, our Anastas Mikoyan? What is unclear to him here?

The peasant is our debtor. We have a firm alliance with the peasants. We have assigned the land to the collective farms in perpetuity. They must repay their due debt to the state. Therefore, one cannot agree with Comrade Mikoyan's position.

A. I. Mikoyan takes the podium and attempts to justify himself, citing certain economic calculations.

Stalin (interrupting Mikoyan): There you have it — Mikoyan, a latter-day Frumkin. You see, he tangles himself up and wants to tangle us in this clear, principled question.

V. M. Molotov takes the podium, acknowledges his errors, attempts to justify himself, and assures that he was and remains a faithful pupil of Stalin.

Stalin (interrupting Molotov): Nonsense! I have no pupils. We are all pupils of the great Lenin.

Then Stalin said that the Plenum must resolve an organizational question — the election of the Party's leading bodies. He proposed that, in place of the Politburo, a Presidium of the CC CPSU be elected in a significantly expanded composition, as well as a Secretariat of the CC CPSU. The procedure of election was quite distinctive. Stalin, taking a slip of paper from the pocket of his tunic, declared: "For the Presidium of the CC CPSU, for example, the following comrades could be elected — Comrade Stalin, Comrade Andrianov, Comrade Aristov, Comrade Beria, Comrade Bulganin, Comrade Voroshilov, Comrade Ignatiev, Comrade Kaganovich, Comrade Korotchenko, Comrade Kuznetsov, Comrade Kuusinen, Comrade Malenkov, Comrade Malyshev, Comrade Melnikov, Comrade Mikoyan, Comrade Mikhailov, Comrade Molotov, Comrade Pervukhin, Comrade Ponomarenko, Comrade Saburov, Comrade Suslov, Comrade Khrushchev, Comrade Chesnokov, Comrade Shvernik, Comrade Shkiryatov." He read out the candidate members of the Presidium of the CC CPSU, including Comrade Brezhnev, Comrade Vyshinsky, Comrade Zverev, Comrade Ignatov, Comrade Kabanov, Comrade Kosygin, Comrade Patolichev, Comrade Pegov, Comrade Puzanov, Comrade Tevosyan, Comrade Yudin. Then Stalin took another slip of paper from the side pocket of his tunic and said: "Now about the Secretariat of the CC. For secretaries of the CC, for example, the following comrades could be elected — Comrade Stalin, Comrade Aristov, Comrade Brezhnev, Comrade Ignatov, Comrade Malenkov, Comrade Mikhailov, Comrade Pegov, Comrade Ponomarenko, Comrade Suslov, Comrade Khrushchev." In all, Stalin proposed 36 persons for the Presidium and Secretariat of the CC. At this he emphasized: "The list includes all members of the Politburo of the old composition, except Andreev. As for the esteemed Comrade Andreev, everything is clear: he has gone completely deaf, he cannot hear anything, he cannot work. Let him seek treatment."

A voice from the floor: Comrade Stalin should be elected General Secretary of the CC CPSU.

Stalin: No! Relieve me of the duties of General Secretary of the CC CPSU and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR.

G. M. Malenkov, at the podium: Comrades! We must all, unanimously and with one voice, ask Comrade Stalin, our leader and teacher, to continue to serve as General Secretary of the CC CPSU.

L. P. Beria also spoke in support of this proposal.

Stalin, at the podium: At a CC Plenum there is no need for applause. Questions must be decided without emotion, in a businesslike manner. And I ask to be relieved of the duties of General Secretary of the CC CPSU and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. I am already old. I do not read papers anymore. Elect yourselves another secretary.

S. K. Timoshenko: Comrade Stalin, the people would not understand this. We, as one, elect you our leader — General Secretary of the CC CPSU. There can be no other decision.

Everyone rose and warmly applauded in support of Timoshenko. Stalin stood for a long time, looking out at the hall, then waved his hand and sat down.

—

Source: L. N. Yefremov, Roads of Struggle and Labor (Stavropol, 1998), pp. 12–16.

Note: Leonid Nikolaevich Yefremov was a delegate to the 19th Congress of the CPSU and a prominent Party and state leader. This record was verified with the author on 16 November 2005.