The visit took place in the Kremlin, in the office of Comrade Molotov. Present were: Comrades Stalin, Molotov, Litvinov, Maisky, and on the British side — Eden, the British Ambassador Chilston, and the head of the League of Nations section in the British Foreign Office, Strang. The entire conversation lasted about an hour and a quarter.

After initial greetings, the conversation was opened by Eden. He said approximately the following:

Eden: On behalf of the British government, I consider it my duty to express gratitude for the opportunity afforded me today to meet with the leaders of the Soviet state. I believe that such personal contact between representatives of the British and Soviet governments will contribute to better mutual understanding between them, as well as to the improvement of Anglo-Soviet relations and the strengthening of universal peace. The policy of the British government is a policy of peace. It is closely linked with the League of Nations and rests on the principles of the League of Nations. The British government believes that the USSR also pursues a policy of peace. Moreover, it too is a member of the League of Nations. This creates the prerequisites for cooperation between the two countries in the sphere of foreign policy. I also take the opportunity to dispel a misunderstanding which apparently has wide currency in the USSR. Many in your country think that the British government is engaged in some sort of intrigues against the USSR and in inciting other countries against it. On behalf of the British government, I must declare with all resolution that this suspicion has no foundation. The British government wants only peace. It understands that any serious war in present conditions cannot be isolated or localized. Therefore, the British government believes that the integrity, inviolability, and prosperity of the USSR are one of the most important elements in preserving universal peace. I hope that the Soviet government holds the same view regarding the integrity, inviolability, and prosperity of the British Empire.

Stalin: If this is not a compliment, then it is good.

Eden: Mr. Litvinov knows me well enough from Geneva and can assure you that in such cases I am not inclined to pay compliments.

Molotov: I can assure the Lord Privy Seal that the policy of the Soviet government is a consistent policy of peace. The USSR desires neither new territories nor any conquests. It is engaged in peaceful constructive work within the country and strives to maintain the best relations with all states. The Soviet government harbors no aggressive designs whatsoever regarding the British Empire.

Eden: I do not consider it necessary to set forth in detail here the substance of the Berlin talks, since I believe that Mr. Litvinov has probably already informed Messrs. Stalin and Molotov of the content of the conversations that took place between us. It would, however, be extremely important and valuable for me to hear their views on the present European situation and on the means for resolving it.

Stalin: First of all, I would like to ask Mr. Eden a question — how does he assess the present international situation? Does he consider it very dangerous or not very dangerous?

Eden: I consider the present international situation to be a cause for concern, but not hopeless. I think so because, although the present difficulties are great, the European nations still have some time to overcome these difficulties.

Stalin: And if the situation is compared with 1913 — how is it now, better or worse?

Eden: I think better.

Stalin: Why do you think so?

Eden: I think so for two reasons. First, the League of Nations now exists, which did not exist in 1913. The possibilities of the League of Nations are limited, but still, interested states have the opportunity in Geneva at least to discuss the question of emerging dangers. Second, in 1913 the broad masses of the population in Europe did not think about war at all; they did not even suspect that the military danger was so close. The war fell on them like snow from the sky. Now the situation is different. Public opinion throughout the world clearly understands the danger of war, thinks about this danger, and fights against it. The mood of the broad popular masses is now very pacifist. And what do you think?

Stalin: I think that the situation is now worse than in 1913.

Eden: Why?

Stalin: Because in 1913 there was only one center of military danger — Germany, whereas now there are two centers of military danger — Germany and Japan.

Eden: But have not your relations with Japan been improving recently? Thanks to the wise policy of your government, the military danger in that part of the world has somewhat diminished.

Stalin: The question is not only about the security of the USSR's borders. The question is considerably broader: what are Japan's further intentions? What does it intend to do in general? From this standpoint, the situation in the Far East causes great alarm. That certain improvement in the situation to which you pointed is only temporary. It is a pause that will last only until Japan digests Manchuria. As soon as this happens, one can expect a further development of those tendencies that Japan has displayed over the past three or four years.

Eden: You are entirely certain of Japan's aggressive aspirations?

Stalin: So far there are no facts that contradict this conclusion. At the same time, there are facts that compel us to fear the worst in the Far East. Indeed, Japan has left the League of Nations and openly mocks the principles of the League of Nations; Japan has torn up international treaties bearing its signature before the eyes of all. This is very dangerous. In 1913, Japan still belonged to the number of those powers that treated with respect their own signatures on international documents. Now the situation is precisely the reverse. Such a policy cannot bode anything good.

Eden: And in Europe?

Stalin: In Europe, Germany causes great concern. It too has left the League of Nations and, as you have informed Comrade Litvinov, shows no desire to return to it. It too is openly tearing up international treaties, before the eyes of all. This is dangerous. How can we, under such conditions, trust Germany's signature on any international documents? Now you were telling Comrade Litvinov that the German government objects to the Eastern Pact of Mutual Assistance. It agrees only to a non-aggression pact. But what guarantee is there that the German government, which so easily tears up its international obligations, will honor a non-aggression pact? There is no guarantee. Therefore, we cannot be satisfied with merely a non-aggression pact with Germany. For the assurance of peace, we need a more real guarantee, and such a real guarantee is only the Eastern Pact of Mutual Assistance. After all, indeed, what is the essence of such a pact? Here in this room there are six of us; imagine that between us there exists a pact of mutual assistance, and imagine, for example, that Comrade Maisky wished to attack one of us — what would happen? We would all together thrash Comrade Maisky.

Molotov (jokingly): That is why Comrade Maisky is now behaving modestly.

Eden (laughing): Yes, I understand your metaphor very well.

Stalin: The same applies to the countries of Eastern Europe. If one of these countries, a participant of the pact of mutual assistance, were attacked by another country, also a participant of the pact, then all the remaining participants would come with all their forces to the aid of the first. This is the simplest solution to the security problem at the present stage of development.

Eden: And how do you envision the pact of mutual assistance — with Germany or without Germany?

Stalin: With Germany, of course, with Germany. We do not wish to encircle anyone. We are not striving for the isolation of Germany. On the contrary, we want to live with Germany on friendly terms. The Germans are a great and brave people. We never forget this. This people could not be held for long in the chains of the Treaty of Versailles. Sooner or later, the German people had to free themselves from the Versailles chains. We are not participants in Versailles, and we can therefore judge Versailles more freely than those who participated in its creation. I repeat, such a great people as the Germans had to break free from the chains of Versailles. However, the forms and circumstances of this liberation from Versailles are such as to cause us serious alarm, and in order to forestall the possibility of any unpleasant complications, a certain insurance is now needed. Such insurance is the Eastern Pact of Mutual Assistance — with Germany, of course, if there is any possibility of this. Now you, Mr. Eden, have just been in Berlin — what are your impressions?

Eden: I would answer this question with one English expression: I am satisfied, but not pleased. I am satisfied that the situation has been clarified, but I am not pleased by what we saw as a result of this clarification.

Stalin: I agree with you. There is nothing to be pleased about. In general, strange people are sitting in Berlin now. Here, for example, about a year ago the German government proposed a loan of 200 million marks to us. We agreed and began negotiations — and immediately after this the German government suddenly began spreading rumors that Tukhachevsky and Goering had secretly met to jointly develop a plan of attack on France. Well, is this politics? This is petty politics. Or right now — Comrade Litvinov told me that in Berlin you were constantly being frightened by the military danger from the USSR. Is that not so?

Eden: Yes, Hitler declared that he was very alarmed by the might of your Red Army and the threat of attack on him from the east.

Stalin: And do you know that at the same time the German government agreed to supply us, on account of the loan, such products that it is somehow even awkward to speak about openly — armaments, chemical weapons, and so forth.

Eden (with agitation): What? Do you mean that the German government agreed to supply weapons for your Red Army?

Stalin: Yes, it agreed, and we shall probably sign the loan agreement in the coming days.

Eden: This is astonishing! Such behavior does not speak in favor of Hitler's sincerity when he tells others about the military threat from the USSR.

Stalin: Absolutely correct. Well, is this politics? Is this serious politics? No, petty, clumsy people are sitting in Berlin.

[The conversation continued with discussion of collective security, the League of Nations, and cooperation between Britain and the USSR. After the official conversation ended, during tea, Eden remarked on a large map of the USSR on the wall — "What a splendid map and what a large country!" Stalin jokingly answered: "The country is large, but there are many difficulties." Eden looked at the place occupied by Great Britain on the map and added that Britain was just a small island. Stalin looked at Great Britain and said: "Yes, a small island, but much depends on it. Now, if this small island told Germany: I will give you neither money, nor raw materials, nor metal — peace in Europe would be assured." Eden said nothing in reply.]

Dokumenty vneshney politiki SSSR. Vol. XVIII. Moscow, 1973. Pp. 246–251.