The value of labour-power is determined by the value of the necessaries of life customarily required by the average worker. Their physical quantity is given for a particular society and period, although their form may change, and is therefore treated as constant. What changes is the value of that quantity. Two further factors enter into labour-power's value. One is the cost of developing labour-power, which changes with the mode of production. The other is its natural diversity: whether labour-power is male or female, mature or immature. The use of these different kinds of labour-power, itself conditioned by the mode of production, makes a great difference to the reproduction costs of the workers' family and to the value of adult male labour-power. Both factors are excluded from the following investigation. Engels's note to the third edition adds that the case treated on the earlier referenced page is likewise excluded here.
For what follows, commodities are assumed to sell at their value. Labour-power's price may occasionally rise above its value, but it is not assumed to fall below it.
Given these assumptions, the relative sizes of labour-power's price and surplus-value depend on three circumstances: the length of the working day, the extensive magnitude of labour; the normal intensity of labour, its intensive magnitude, so that a given quantity of labour is expended in a given time; and the productive power of labour, so that the same labour in the same time yields a greater or smaller quantity of product as conditions of production develop. Many combinations are possible: one factor may stay constant while two vary, two may stay constant while one varies, or all three may vary together. When several vary, both the amount and direction of their changes may differ. Only the principal combinations are considered next.
Under the assumptions already fixed, the value of labour-power and the magnitude of surplus-value are determined by three laws.
A working day of given length always creates the same amount of new value, even when productivity changes the mass of goods produced and the price of each commodity. This is the value-product created in the day, not the total value of the product: value transferred from constant capital is outside the calculation.
If a 12-hour working day creates 6 shillings, it creates those 6 shillings whether productivity makes the resulting goods more numerous or less numerous. The same value is simply distributed over more or fewer articles.
Surplus-value and the value of labour-power move in opposite directions. A change in productivity moves labour-power's value one way and surplus-value the other.
The value created by a 12-hour day remains a fixed 6 shillings. It is the sum of surplus-value and the value of labour-power, which the worker replaces by an equivalent. If one part grows, the other must shrink. Starting from 3 shillings for each part, labour-power's value can rise from 3 to 4 shillings only if surplus-value falls from 3 to 2; surplus-value can rise from 3 to 4 only if labour-power's value falls from 3 to 2. No absolute change in either is possible without a change in their relative sizes, and both cannot rise or fall together.
Labour-power's value cannot fall, and surplus-value cannot rise, unless productivity rises in the production of the necessaries required to reproduce labour-power. Thus 3 shillings can fall to 2 only if the same quantity of customary necessaries can be produced in 4 hours rather than 6. Conversely, 3 can rise to 4 only if producing that same quantity requires 8 hours rather than 6. An increase in productivity therefore lowers labour-power's value and raises surplus-value; a decrease does the reverse. This concerns the value of labour-power, not an automatic movement of its market price.
Ricardo overlooked that opposite changes of equal size need not be proportionally equal. Their percentage size depends on the division before productivity changed. Suppose labour-power is worth 4 shillings and requires 8 necessary hours, while surplus-value is 2 shillings and surplus-labour 4 hours. If productivity lowers labour-power's value to 3 shillings and necessary labour to 6 hours, surplus-value rises to 3 shillings and surplus-labour to 6 hours. The same 1 shilling or 2 hours is removed on one side and added on the other. Yet 4 to 3 is a fall of 25%, while 2 to 3 is a rise of 50%. The smaller surplus-value's original share of the day, the larger its proportional change.
An increase or decrease in surplus-value is always the consequence, never the cause, of the corresponding decrease or increase in the value of labour-power. MacCulloch's proposed exception does not alter this. Abolishing taxes formerly paid by the capitalist does not create surplus-value or alter its relation to the value of labour-power; it only redistributes the surplus-value already extracted between the capitalist and third persons. MacCulloch's exception therefore proves his misunderstanding of Ricardo's rule, a mishap like J. B. Say's vulgarisation of Adam Smith.
The working day is fixed and represented by a fixed value; every change in surplus-value corresponds to an inverse change in the value of labour-power; and labour-power's value changes only with productivity. Under these conditions, every change in surplus-value arises from an inverse change in labour-power's value. Since neither part can change absolutely without changing their relative sizes, no relative change is possible without a prior absolute change in labour-power's value.
Under the third law, a change in surplus-value presupposes a productivity-driven movement in the value of labour-power. The new value sets the limit of the movement, but intermediate price movements can still occur. If labour-power's value falls from 4 to 3 shillings, or necessary labour from 8 to 6 hours, its price may fall only to 3s 8d, 3s 6d, or 3s 2d. The printed text gives the corresponding surplus-values as 3s 4d, 3s 6d, and 3s 10d. Those figures do not fit the fixed 6-shilling value-product established above; the corresponding arithmetic would be 2s 4d, 2s 6d, and 2s 10d. The lower boundary is 3 shillings, but the actual degree of the fall depends on the relative force of capital's pressure and workers' resistance.
Labour-power's value is fixed by the value of a given quantity of necessaries. When the productive power of labour changes, what changes is the value of those necessaries, not necessarily their mass. As productive power rises, the labourer and capitalist can both obtain more necessaries in the same proportion without any change in the magnitude of labour-power's price or surplus-value. Start with labour-power valued at 3 shillings and six hours of necessary labour. Surplus-value is then also 3 shillings, with six hours of surplus-labour. If productive power doubles while the division of the working day is unchanged, neither the price of labour-power nor surplus-value changes in magnitude. Each now represents twice as many use-values, each use-value worth half its former value. The unchanged price of labour-power therefore stands above its new value. If its price falls, but only to 2s. 10d. or 2s. 6d. rather than the new lower limit of 1s. 6d., it still represents a growing mass of necessaries. Its price can keep falling as productive power rises while the labourer's means of subsistence continually grow. Yet, compared with surplus-value, labour-power's value falls and the distance between the labourer's and capitalist's conditions of life widens. As J. Cazenove notes, the proportion of wages can change while the quantity it represents stays the same, or the quantity can change while the proportion stays the same.
Ricardo was the first to formulate accurately the three laws stated above. His first mistake is to treat their special conditions as capitalism's general and exclusive conditions. He allows no change in the length of the working day or in the intensity of labour, so productive power becomes his only variable factor. More seriously, he never examines surplus-value as such, apart from its particular forms as profit, rent, and so on. He therefore runs together the laws of the rate of surplus-value and those of the profit rate. The profit rate is surplus-value divided by total capital advanced; the rate of surplus-value is surplus-value divided by the variable part of that capital. Take total capital C of £500: £400 constant capital, c, in raw materials and instruments; £100 variable capital, v, in wages; and £100 surplus-value, m. The rate of surplus-value is m/v = £100/£100 = 100%. The profit rate is m/C = £100/£500 = 20%. The profit rate may depend on circumstances that do not affect the rate of surplus-value; one rate of surplus-value can appear in different profit rates, and different rates of surplus-value can, under given conditions, appear in one profit rate. Source-text note: Moore–Aveling prints s/c = £100/£500. Since £500 is total capital, the intended notation is s/C, equivalent to German m/C; lowercase c denotes the £400 constant part in this same example.
Greater intensity means a greater expenditure of labour in the same time. A more intense working-day therefore yields more products than an equally long but less intense one. Increased productive power can also yield more products in the same day, but by a different route. There, each product costs less labour and its individual value falls: a given value is spread over more goods. With greater intensity, each product still costs the same labour and keeps the same value. More labour has been expended, so the number of goods and their total price sum both rise. With the hours fixed, the more intense day embodies a larger value-product and, if money's value is unchanged, more money. Its value-product varies with the extent to which intensity departs from the social normal. A twelve-hour day of ordinary intensity may create 6 shillings; a more intense twelve-hour day may create 7, 8, or more. If the value-product rises from 6 to 8 shillings, its two parts—labour-power's price and surplus-value—can both rise, equally or unequally. In the equal illustration, each rises from 3 to 4 shillings. A higher money price for labour-power does not by itself show that it stands above its value. It can accompany a fall below value when the increase does not compensate accelerated wear. The fourth-edition bracket states the alternate wording compactly: a fall in labour-power's value.
Apart from temporary exceptions, a change in productive power changes labour-power's value, and therefore surplus-value, only when the products of the affected industries enter workers' customary consumption. That restriction does not govern a change in labour's own magnitude. Whether labour varies extensively in duration or intensively in density, its value-product changes whatever article embodies that value.
If intensity rose equally and at once in every industry, the higher degree would become society's ordinary normal degree. It would then cease to count as an increase above that norm. Average intensities could nevertheless remain different among nations. Those differences modify the international application of the value-law: the more intense national working-day is represented by a larger sum of money than the less intense one. The attached factory-inspector report of 31 October 1855 says that 60 English weekly hours can turn out enough work in a given time to counterbalance 72–80 hours elsewhere. It proposes greater legal shortening of the working day in Continental factories as the surest means of reducing the qualitative difference between their hours and English ones.
The working day can vary in two directions. It can be shortened or lengthened.
If productive power and intensity remain unchanged, shortening the working day leaves labour-power's value, and therefore necessary labour time, unchanged. It shortens surplus-labour and reduces surplus-value. As surplus-value falls in absolute size, it also falls relative to labour-power's unchanged value. Capital could compensate itself only by depressing labour-power's price below its value.
The usual arguments against shortening the working day assume that it occurs under the controlled conditions just stated. In reality, the reverse is the case: changes in productive power and intensity either precede a shortening or immediately follow it. An attached factory-inspector report of 31 October 1848 credits the working of the Ten Hours Act with bringing compensating circumstances to light.
Suppose necessary labour is 6 hours, or labour-power is worth 3 shillings, and surplus-labour is likewise 6 hours, producing 3 shillings of surplus-value. The working day is then 12 hours and its value-product is 6 shillings. If the day is extended by 2 hours while labour-power's price remains unchanged, surplus-value grows both absolutely and relatively. Labour-power's value remains absolutely unchanged, yet falls relatively. Under the earlier conditions, labour-power could not change relatively without an absolute change in its value. Here the relative change in labour-power's value results, on the contrary, from an absolute change in surplus-value.
The value-product represented by a day's labour grows when that day is lengthened. Labour-power's price and surplus-value can therefore grow together, by equal or unequal amounts. Such simultaneous growth is possible in two cases: through an actual lengthening of the working day, or through greater intensity without any such lengthening.
With a longer working day, labour-power's price can fall below its value even if its nominal price remains unchanged or rises. The daily value of labour-power is measured by labour-power's normal average duration, or the worker's normal life-span, and by the corresponding normal transformation of bodily substance into movement fitting to human nature. The attached note from Grove proposes estimating a person's labour over 24 hours by examining chemical changes in the body, as changed matter indicates earlier expenditure of force. Up to a certain point, the greater wear inseparable from a longer day can be compensated by greater replacement. Beyond that point, wear grows geometrically and destroys every condition for labour-power's normal reproduction and functioning. Labour-power's price and its degree of exploitation then cease to be commensurable quantities.
A large number of combinations are clearly possible here. Any two of the three factors can vary while the third stays fixed, or all three can vary together. They can vary by the same or different amounts, in the same or opposite directions, so that their changes partly or wholly cancel each other out. Still, working out every possible case is easy once the results already given for I, II, and III are in hand: find the result of any combination by treating one factor at a time as variable and the other two as fixed for the moment. We will therefore note only two important cases here, and briefly.
Speaking of declining productive power here means industries whose products fix the value of labour-power — declining, say, because the soil grows less fertile and its produce dearer. Take a 12-hour working day whose value-product is 6 shillings, half replacing labour-power's value and half forming surplus-value: 6 hours of necessary labour and 6 hours of surplus-labour. Suppose dearer produce raises labour-power's value from 3 to 4 shillings, so necessary labour rises from 6 to 8 hours. If the working day stays at 12 hours, surplus-labour falls from 6 to 4 hours and surplus-value from 3 to 2 shillings. If the day is lengthened by 2 hours, to 14 hours, surplus-labour stays at 6 hours and surplus-value at 3 shillings, but that size now falls compared with labour-power's value, measured by necessary labour. If the day is lengthened by 4 hours, to 16 hours, the proportions between surplus-value and labour-power's value, and between surplus-labour and necessary labour, stay unchanged, but surplus-value's absolute size grows from 3 to 4 shillings and surplus-labour's from 6 to 8 hours — a rise of one third, or 33 1/3 percent. So with declining productive power and a lengthened working day together, surplus-value's absolute size can stay unchanged while its proportional size falls; its proportional size can stay unchanged while its absolute size grows; and, depending on how far the day is lengthened, both can grow at once.
Between 1799 and 1815, rising food prices in England pushed nominal wages up even as real wages, reckoned in necessaries, fell. West and Ricardo drew from this the conclusion that a falling productivity of agricultural labour had lowered the rate of surplus-value, and made this assumption — one that held good only in their imagination — the starting point for major analyses of the relative shares of wages, profit, and rent. In fact, thanks to greater intensity of labour and a forced lengthening of the working day, surplus-value had grown at that time both absolutely and relatively. This was the period in which unlimited lengthening of the working day won the standing of an established right, the period marked above all by capital accumulating rapidly on one side and pauperism spreading on the other. An attached note credits Malthus with stressing this lengthening of hours, unlike Ricardo and others, who built their inquiries on an unchanging working day despite the plainest facts. Drawing on the 1814–15 parliamentary inquiry, Malthus argued that the labouring classes' extraordinary exertions in dear times, which drove wages down, favoured capital's growth and were admirable as temporary relief, but that no humane person could wish them constant: kept up without let-up, their effects would resemble those of a population pushed to the very limit of its subsistence. Yet the conservative interests he served stopped him from seeing that boundless lengthening of the day, combined with machinery's extraordinary development and the exploitation of women's and children's labour, was bound to make a large part of the working class "supernumerary" once wartime demand and England's world-market monopoly ended — and it suited the ruling classes whom Malthus idolized like a true priest far better to blame this "overpopulation" on eternal natural laws than on the merely historical natural laws of capitalist production. A second attached note traces a chief cause of capital's wartime growth to the labouring classes' greater exertions, and perhaps greater privations: poverty compelled more women and children into work, and drove those already working to give a larger share of their time to increasing output.
Increased productive power of labour and its growing intensity work alike in one respect. Both increase the mass of products turned out in any given period. Both therefore shorten the part of the working day the worker needs to produce their means of subsistence, or its equivalent. That necessary but contractible part is what forms the absolute minimum length of the working day. If the whole day shrank down to it, surplus-labour would vanish — something impossible under the rule of capital. Doing away with the capitalist form of production would let the working day be limited to necessary labour. Even so, necessary labour would expand its own space, other things staying equal. On one side, because the worker's conditions of life would be richer and their claims on life greater. On the other, because part of what is now surplus-labour would then count as necessary labour — the labour needed to build a social reserve and accumulation fund.
The more productive power grows, the more the working day can shorten; and the more the working day shortens, the more intensity of labour can grow. Seen from a social standpoint, the productive power of labour also grows with its economy. That economy includes not only economizing the means of production but avoiding all useless labour. While the capitalist mode of production forces economy within each individual business, its anarchic system of competition produces the most extravagant waste of society's means of production and labour-power, alongside a host of functions that are now indispensable yet in themselves superfluous.
Given a fixed intensity and productive power of labour, the part of the social working day needed for material production is shorter, and the part of time won for individuals' free intellectual and social activity is therefore greater, the more evenly labour is divided among all members of society able to work, and the less one layer of society can shift labour's natural necessity off itself and onto another layer. Seen from this side, the absolute limit to shortening the working day is the universality of labour. In capitalist society, free time is produced for one class by turning all of the masses' life-time into labour-time.
The value of labour-power is determined by the value of the necessaries of life customarily required by the average worker. Their physical quantity is given for a particular society and period, although their form may change, and is therefore treated as constant. What changes is the value of that quantity. Two further factors enter into labour-power's value. One is the cost of developing labour-power, which changes with the mode of production. The other is its natural diversity: whether labour-power is male or female, mature or immature. The use of these different kinds of labour-power, itself conditioned by the mode of production, makes a great difference to the reproduction costs of the workers' family and to the value of adult male labour-power. Both factors are excluded from the following investigation. Engels's note to the third edition adds that the case treated on the earlier referenced page is likewise excluded here.
For what follows, commodities are assumed to sell at their value. Labour-power's price may occasionally rise above its value, but it is not assumed to fall below it.
Given these assumptions, the relative sizes of labour-power's price and surplus-value depend on three circumstances: the length of the working day, the extensive magnitude of labour; the normal intensity of labour, its intensive magnitude, so that a given quantity of labour is expended in a given time; and the productive power of labour, so that the same labour in the same time yields a greater or smaller quantity of product as conditions of production develop. Many combinations are possible: one factor may stay constant while two vary, two may stay constant while one varies, or all three may vary together. When several vary, both the amount and direction of their changes may differ. Only the principal combinations are considered next.
Under the assumptions already fixed, the value of labour-power and the magnitude of surplus-value are determined by three laws.
A working day of given length always creates the same amount of new value, even when productivity changes the mass of goods produced and the price of each commodity. This is the value-product created in the day, not the total value of the product: value transferred from constant capital is outside the calculation.
If a 12-hour working day creates 6 shillings, it creates those 6 shillings whether productivity makes the resulting goods more numerous or less numerous. The same value is simply distributed over more or fewer articles.
Surplus-value and the value of labour-power move in opposite directions. A change in productivity moves labour-power's value one way and surplus-value the other.
The value created by a 12-hour day remains a fixed 6 shillings. It is the sum of surplus-value and the value of labour-power, which the worker replaces by an equivalent. If one part grows, the other must shrink. Starting from 3 shillings for each part, labour-power's value can rise from 3 to 4 shillings only if surplus-value falls from 3 to 2; surplus-value can rise from 3 to 4 only if labour-power's value falls from 3 to 2. No absolute change in either is possible without a change in their relative sizes, and both cannot rise or fall together.
Labour-power's value cannot fall, and surplus-value cannot rise, unless productivity rises in the production of the necessaries required to reproduce labour-power. Thus 3 shillings can fall to 2 only if the same quantity of customary necessaries can be produced in 4 hours rather than 6. Conversely, 3 can rise to 4 only if producing that same quantity requires 8 hours rather than 6. An increase in productivity therefore lowers labour-power's value and raises surplus-value; a decrease does the reverse. This concerns the value of labour-power, not an automatic movement of its market price.
Ricardo overlooked that opposite changes of equal size need not be proportionally equal. Their percentage size depends on the division before productivity changed. Suppose labour-power is worth 4 shillings and requires 8 necessary hours, while surplus-value is 2 shillings and surplus-labour 4 hours. If productivity lowers labour-power's value to 3 shillings and necessary labour to 6 hours, surplus-value rises to 3 shillings and surplus-labour to 6 hours. The same 1 shilling or 2 hours is removed on one side and added on the other. Yet 4 to 3 is a fall of 25%, while 2 to 3 is a rise of 50%. The smaller surplus-value's original share of the day, the larger its proportional change.
An increase or decrease in surplus-value is always the consequence, never the cause, of the corresponding decrease or increase in the value of labour-power. MacCulloch's proposed exception does not alter this. Abolishing taxes formerly paid by the capitalist does not create surplus-value or alter its relation to the value of labour-power; it only redistributes the surplus-value already extracted between the capitalist and third persons. MacCulloch's exception therefore proves his misunderstanding of Ricardo's rule, a mishap like J. B. Say's vulgarisation of Adam Smith.
The working day is fixed and represented by a fixed value; every change in surplus-value corresponds to an inverse change in the value of labour-power; and labour-power's value changes only with productivity. Under these conditions, every change in surplus-value arises from an inverse change in labour-power's value. Since neither part can change absolutely without changing their relative sizes, no relative change is possible without a prior absolute change in labour-power's value.
Under the third law, a change in surplus-value presupposes a productivity-driven movement in the value of labour-power. The new value sets the limit of the movement, but intermediate price movements can still occur. If labour-power's value falls from 4 to 3 shillings, or necessary labour from 8 to 6 hours, its price may fall only to 3s 8d, 3s 6d, or 3s 2d. The printed text gives the corresponding surplus-values as 3s 4d, 3s 6d, and 3s 10d. Those figures do not fit the fixed 6-shilling value-product established above; the corresponding arithmetic would be 2s 4d, 2s 6d, and 2s 10d. The lower boundary is 3 shillings, but the actual degree of the fall depends on the relative force of capital's pressure and workers' resistance.
Labour-power's value is fixed by the value of a given quantity of necessaries. When the productive power of labour changes, what changes is the value of those necessaries, not necessarily their mass. As productive power rises, the labourer and capitalist can both obtain more necessaries in the same proportion without any change in the magnitude of labour-power's price or surplus-value. Start with labour-power valued at 3 shillings and six hours of necessary labour. Surplus-value is then also 3 shillings, with six hours of surplus-labour. If productive power doubles while the division of the working day is unchanged, neither the price of labour-power nor surplus-value changes in magnitude. Each now represents twice as many use-values, each use-value worth half its former value. The unchanged price of labour-power therefore stands above its new value. If its price falls, but only to 2s. 10d. or 2s. 6d. rather than the new lower limit of 1s. 6d., it still represents a growing mass of necessaries. Its price can keep falling as productive power rises while the labourer's means of subsistence continually grow. Yet, compared with surplus-value, labour-power's value falls and the distance between the labourer's and capitalist's conditions of life widens. As J. Cazenove notes, the proportion of wages can change while the quantity it represents stays the same, or the quantity can change while the proportion stays the same.
Ricardo was the first to formulate accurately the three laws stated above. His first mistake is to treat their special conditions as capitalism's general and exclusive conditions. He allows no change in the length of the working day or in the intensity of labour, so productive power becomes his only variable factor. More seriously, he never examines surplus-value as such, apart from its particular forms as profit, rent, and so on. He therefore runs together the laws of the rate of surplus-value and those of the profit rate. The profit rate is surplus-value divided by total capital advanced; the rate of surplus-value is surplus-value divided by the variable part of that capital. Take total capital C of £500: £400 constant capital, c, in raw materials and instruments; £100 variable capital, v, in wages; and £100 surplus-value, m. The rate of surplus-value is m/v = £100/£100 = 100%. The profit rate is m/C = £100/£500 = 20%. The profit rate may depend on circumstances that do not affect the rate of surplus-value; one rate of surplus-value can appear in different profit rates, and different rates of surplus-value can, under given conditions, appear in one profit rate. Source-text note: Moore–Aveling prints s/c = £100/£500. Since £500 is total capital, the intended notation is s/C, equivalent to German m/C; lowercase c denotes the £400 constant part in this same example.
Greater intensity means a greater expenditure of labour in the same time. A more intense working-day therefore yields more products than an equally long but less intense one. Increased productive power can also yield more products in the same day, but by a different route. There, each product costs less labour and its individual value falls: a given value is spread over more goods. With greater intensity, each product still costs the same labour and keeps the same value. More labour has been expended, so the number of goods and their total price sum both rise. With the hours fixed, the more intense day embodies a larger value-product and, if money's value is unchanged, more money. Its value-product varies with the extent to which intensity departs from the social normal. A twelve-hour day of ordinary intensity may create 6 shillings; a more intense twelve-hour day may create 7, 8, or more. If the value-product rises from 6 to 8 shillings, its two parts—labour-power's price and surplus-value—can both rise, equally or unequally. In the equal illustration, each rises from 3 to 4 shillings. A higher money price for labour-power does not by itself show that it stands above its value. It can accompany a fall below value when the increase does not compensate accelerated wear. The fourth-edition bracket states the alternate wording compactly: a fall in labour-power's value.
Apart from temporary exceptions, a change in productive power changes labour-power's value, and therefore surplus-value, only when the products of the affected industries enter workers' customary consumption. That restriction does not govern a change in labour's own magnitude. Whether labour varies extensively in duration or intensively in density, its value-product changes whatever article embodies that value.
If intensity rose equally and at once in every industry, the higher degree would become society's ordinary normal degree. It would then cease to count as an increase above that norm. Average intensities could nevertheless remain different among nations. Those differences modify the international application of the value-law: the more intense national working-day is represented by a larger sum of money than the less intense one. The attached factory-inspector report of 31 October 1855 says that 60 English weekly hours can turn out enough work in a given time to counterbalance 72–80 hours elsewhere. It proposes greater legal shortening of the working day in Continental factories as the surest means of reducing the qualitative difference between their hours and English ones.
The working day can vary in two directions. It can be shortened or lengthened.
If productive power and intensity remain unchanged, shortening the working day leaves labour-power's value, and therefore necessary labour time, unchanged. It shortens surplus-labour and reduces surplus-value. As surplus-value falls in absolute size, it also falls relative to labour-power's unchanged value. Capital could compensate itself only by depressing labour-power's price below its value.
The usual arguments against shortening the working day assume that it occurs under the controlled conditions just stated. In reality, the reverse is the case: changes in productive power and intensity either precede a shortening or immediately follow it. An attached factory-inspector report of 31 October 1848 credits the working of the Ten Hours Act with bringing compensating circumstances to light.
Suppose necessary labour is 6 hours, or labour-power is worth 3 shillings, and surplus-labour is likewise 6 hours, producing 3 shillings of surplus-value. The working day is then 12 hours and its value-product is 6 shillings. If the day is extended by 2 hours while labour-power's price remains unchanged, surplus-value grows both absolutely and relatively. Labour-power's value remains absolutely unchanged, yet falls relatively. Under the earlier conditions, labour-power could not change relatively without an absolute change in its value. Here the relative change in labour-power's value results, on the contrary, from an absolute change in surplus-value.
The value-product represented by a day's labour grows when that day is lengthened. Labour-power's price and surplus-value can therefore grow together, by equal or unequal amounts. Such simultaneous growth is possible in two cases: through an actual lengthening of the working day, or through greater intensity without any such lengthening.
With a longer working day, labour-power's price can fall below its value even if its nominal price remains unchanged or rises. The daily value of labour-power is measured by labour-power's normal average duration, or the worker's normal life-span, and by the corresponding normal transformation of bodily substance into movement fitting to human nature. The attached note from Grove proposes estimating a person's labour over 24 hours by examining chemical changes in the body, as changed matter indicates earlier expenditure of force. Up to a certain point, the greater wear inseparable from a longer day can be compensated by greater replacement. Beyond that point, wear grows geometrically and destroys every condition for labour-power's normal reproduction and functioning. Labour-power's price and its degree of exploitation then cease to be commensurable quantities.
A large number of combinations are clearly possible here. Any two of the three factors can vary while the third stays fixed, or all three can vary together. They can vary by the same or different amounts, in the same or opposite directions, so that their changes partly or wholly cancel each other out. Still, working out every possible case is easy once the results already given for I, II, and III are in hand: find the result of any combination by treating one factor at a time as variable and the other two as fixed for the moment. We will therefore note only two important cases here, and briefly.
Speaking of declining productive power here means industries whose products fix the value of labour-power — declining, say, because the soil grows less fertile and its produce dearer. Take a 12-hour working day whose value-product is 6 shillings, half replacing labour-power's value and half forming surplus-value: 6 hours of necessary labour and 6 hours of surplus-labour. Suppose dearer produce raises labour-power's value from 3 to 4 shillings, so necessary labour rises from 6 to 8 hours. If the working day stays at 12 hours, surplus-labour falls from 6 to 4 hours and surplus-value from 3 to 2 shillings. If the day is lengthened by 2 hours, to 14 hours, surplus-labour stays at 6 hours and surplus-value at 3 shillings, but that size now falls compared with labour-power's value, measured by necessary labour. If the day is lengthened by 4 hours, to 16 hours, the proportions between surplus-value and labour-power's value, and between surplus-labour and necessary labour, stay unchanged, but surplus-value's absolute size grows from 3 to 4 shillings and surplus-labour's from 6 to 8 hours — a rise of one third, or 33 1/3 percent. So with declining productive power and a lengthened working day together, surplus-value's absolute size can stay unchanged while its proportional size falls; its proportional size can stay unchanged while its absolute size grows; and, depending on how far the day is lengthened, both can grow at once.
Between 1799 and 1815, rising food prices in England pushed nominal wages up even as real wages, reckoned in necessaries, fell. West and Ricardo drew from this the conclusion that a falling productivity of agricultural labour had lowered the rate of surplus-value, and made this assumption — one that held good only in their imagination — the starting point for major analyses of the relative shares of wages, profit, and rent. In fact, thanks to greater intensity of labour and a forced lengthening of the working day, surplus-value had grown at that time both absolutely and relatively. This was the period in which unlimited lengthening of the working day won the standing of an established right, the period marked above all by capital accumulating rapidly on one side and pauperism spreading on the other. An attached note credits Malthus with stressing this lengthening of hours, unlike Ricardo and others, who built their inquiries on an unchanging working day despite the plainest facts. Drawing on the 1814–15 parliamentary inquiry, Malthus argued that the labouring classes' extraordinary exertions in dear times, which drove wages down, favoured capital's growth and were admirable as temporary relief, but that no humane person could wish them constant: kept up without let-up, their effects would resemble those of a population pushed to the very limit of its subsistence. Yet the conservative interests he served stopped him from seeing that boundless lengthening of the day, combined with machinery's extraordinary development and the exploitation of women's and children's labour, was bound to make a large part of the working class "supernumerary" once wartime demand and England's world-market monopoly ended — and it suited the ruling classes whom Malthus idolized like a true priest far better to blame this "overpopulation" on eternal natural laws than on the merely historical natural laws of capitalist production. A second attached note traces a chief cause of capital's wartime growth to the labouring classes' greater exertions, and perhaps greater privations: poverty compelled more women and children into work, and drove those already working to give a larger share of their time to increasing output.
Increased productive power of labour and its growing intensity work alike in one respect. Both increase the mass of products turned out in any given period. Both therefore shorten the part of the working day the worker needs to produce their means of subsistence, or its equivalent. That necessary but contractible part is what forms the absolute minimum length of the working day. If the whole day shrank down to it, surplus-labour would vanish — something impossible under the rule of capital. Doing away with the capitalist form of production would let the working day be limited to necessary labour. Even so, necessary labour would expand its own space, other things staying equal. On one side, because the worker's conditions of life would be richer and their claims on life greater. On the other, because part of what is now surplus-labour would then count as necessary labour — the labour needed to build a social reserve and accumulation fund.
The more productive power grows, the more the working day can shorten; and the more the working day shortens, the more intensity of labour can grow. Seen from a social standpoint, the productive power of labour also grows with its economy. That economy includes not only economizing the means of production but avoiding all useless labour. While the capitalist mode of production forces economy within each individual business, its anarchic system of competition produces the most extravagant waste of society's means of production and labour-power, alongside a host of functions that are now indispensable yet in themselves superfluous.
Given a fixed intensity and productive power of labour, the part of the social working day needed for material production is shorter, and the part of time won for individuals' free intellectual and social activity is therefore greater, the more evenly labour is divided among all members of society able to work, and the less one layer of society can shift labour's natural necessity off itself and onto another layer. Seen from this side, the absolute limit to shortening the working day is the universality of labour. In capitalist society, free time is produced for one class by turning all of the masses' life-time into labour-time.