On the surface of bourgeois society, the worker’s wage appears as the price of a quantity of labour: people speak of labour’s value, its necessary or natural price, and market prices above or below it.
A commodity’s value is the objective form of social labour expended in producing it, measured by the labour contained in it. Calling a twelve-hour day’s value the twelve hours contained in that day is an absurd tautology. The attached Bailey note says Ricardo avoids this difficulty by making labour’s value depend on the labour needed to produce wages — money or commodities given to the worker. Bailey compares this to measuring cloth by the labour needed to produce the silver for which it exchanges.
To be sold as a commodity, labour would have to exist before sale. If the worker could give it an independent existence, the worker would sell a commodity, not labour. The attached source note says labour is created when it is brought to market — indeed before it is created. The local Moore–Aveling body has no inline marker [2], although the corresponding English footnote text exists; no English inline attachment is fabricated here.
Direct exchange of money, realized labour, for living labour would abolish either the value law that develops freely on capitalist ground or capitalist production founded on wage labour itself. A twelve-hour day embodies 6s. If equivalents exchange, the worker receives 6s.; no surplus-value is produced, the money does not become capital, and capitalist production’s basis disappears. If twelve hours exchange for less than twelve hours’ worth, unequal quantities are equated and value determination is abolished. The attached Wakefield note makes the same difficulty explicit: if labour and capital were commodities regulated by equal quantities of labour, past and present labour would exchange equally; but labour’s value is not determined in that way.
It does not help to explain more labour exchanging for less by saying one is realized and the other living labour. Value is determined by the living labour socially necessary for production, not by the labour already embodied. If an invention reduces production from six hours to three, even the earlier commodity’s value falls by half. The attached Sismondi note observes that a new agreement would be required if work done exchanged for work to be done: the capitalist would have to receive the higher value.
The money-owner meets the worker, who sells labour-power. Once labour actually begins, it no longer belongs to the worker and cannot be sold. Labour is value’s substance and immanent measure, yet has no value itself. The attached Hodgskin note calls labour the exclusive standard of value and creator of wealth, but no commodity.
In “value of labour,” the concept of value is not merely lost but reversed. The expression is imaginary, like the value of land, yet such expressions arise from production relations themselves: they are categories for forms in which essential relations appear. Things often appear inverted; political economy is the science that fails to recognize this. The attached Marx note rejects Proudhon’s treatment of labour’s value as a grammatical ellipse or poetic licence. It also mocks Say’s circular definition of value and price: changing words does not dissolve the social relation.
Classical political economy borrowed “price of labour” from ordinary life without criticism. Demand and supply explain only market-price movements; equilibrium and longer averages then point it toward a supposed necessary or natural price, hence a value determined by production costs. Asking for the production costs of labour silently becomes asking what it costs to produce or reproduce the worker. It has therefore reached the value of labour-power, existing in the worker and distinct from labour as a machine is from its operation. But it does not recognize that its own analysis dissolved the supposed value of labour into labour-power’s value. Its unconscious acceptance of the old categories leaves classical political economy in contradictions and gives vulgar economics a basis for worshipping appearances.
Marx now turns to how the value and price of labour-power present themselves in the transformed form of wages.
The daily value of labour-power is calculated for a worker’s lifetime and for a working day of a given length. Assume a habitual twelve-hour day and labour-power worth 3s., representing six hours of labour. Receiving 3s., the worker receives the value of labour-power functioning for twelve hours. When that daily value is expressed as the value of the day’s labour, the formula becomes: twelve hours of labour have a value of 3s. Labour-power’s value thus appears to determine labour’s value or necessary price; a divergence of labour-power’s price from its value appears as the same divergence for labour.
“Value of labour” is an irrational expression for labour-power’s value. Labour-power must appear to have less value than the value it produces because the capitalist keeps it working longer than is necessary to reproduce its own value. In the example, labour-power functioning for twelve hours is worth 3s. and reproduces that value in six hours; its twelve-hour use creates a value-product of 6s. The apparently absurd result is that labour creating 6s. appears to possess a value of 3s. The attached note refers back to Marx’s Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, where he announced the problem of how exchange-value determined by labour-time yields labour’s exchange-value as less than its product’s.
The 3s. representing the paid six hours appears as the value or price of the whole twelve-hour day, including six unpaid hours. Wages therefore erase every trace of the division between necessary and surplus labour, paid and unpaid labour: all labour appears paid. In corvée, work for self and compulsory work for the lord are visibly separate in time and space. In slavery, even the part in which the slave replaces the value of subsistence and thus works for self appears as work for the master; all slave labour appears unpaid. In wage labour, conversely, even unpaid surplus-labour appears paid. Property conceals the slave’s work for self; money conceals the wage-worker’s unpaid work. The attached dated note attributes a comparison to the London free-trade Morning Star during the American Civil War: it protested that the “Negroes in the ‘Confederate States’ worked absolutely for nothing.” Marx says it should instead have compared their daily cost with that of a free East End worker. The historical wording is the note’s, not the reader’s narrative voice.
Transforming the value and price of labour-power into wages, or into the apparent value and price of labour, is decisive. This form of appearance makes the real relation invisible and shows its opposite. It grounds the juridical notions of worker and capitalist, the mystifications of capitalist production, freedom illusions, and vulgar economics’ apologetics.
World history needed time to penetrate the mystery of wages. The necessity — the reasons for the existence — of this form of appearance is, however, easier to understand.
Exchange between capital and labour first presents itself like the purchase and sale of any other commodity: the buyer gives money and the seller an article unlike money. Juridical consciousness sees at most a material difference, stated in legally equivalent formulas: do ut des, do ut facias, facio ut des, facio ut facias. Moore–Aveling’s note [9] renders facio as “produce”: “I give so that you may give; I give so that you may produce; I produce so that you may give; I produce so that you may produce.” German instead glosses facio inline as tue (“do”), so the English translator note has no separate German footnote counterpart.
Since exchange-value and use-value are incommensurable, “value of labour” and “price of labour” do not initially seem stranger than value or price of cotton. The worker is paid after delivering labour, and money as means of payment subsequently realizes the value or price of the article supplied. The useful thing supplied to the capitalist is in fact labour-power’s function — tailoring, shoemaking, spinning, and other useful labour. Its other character, as universal value-creating labour, lies outside ordinary consciousness. These are reasons why labour appears to be the article sold, not proof that it is.
A worker receiving 3s. for twelve hours receives the value-product of six hours, but the twelve hours are, for the worker, the means of buying the 3s. Labour-power’s value may rise from 3s. to 4s. or fall to 2s. with the value of customary means of subsistence; with its value unchanged, its price may rise or fall with demand and supply. The worker still gives twelve hours. Every change in the equivalent received therefore necessarily appears as a change in the value or price of twelve hours’ labour. The attached note says Adam Smith only incidentally refers to variations in the working day when discussing piece-wages. Marx says Smith’s treatment of the day as constant led him to call labour’s value constant despite changing subsistence values.
The capitalist wants as much labour as possible for as little money as possible. In practice, the relevant difference is between labour-power’s price and the value its function creates. Yet the capitalist seeks every commodity cheaply and explains profit as simple cheating: buying below and selling above value. That account blocks the decisive conclusion. If labour really had a value and the capitalist really paid it, no capital would exist and money would not turn into capital.
Wage movements seem to prove that labour, rather than labour-power, is paid. First, wages change with the length of the working day; but it would be equally mistaken to infer that a machine’s operations, rather than the machine, are hired because a week costs more than a day. Second, workers doing the same job receive different wages. The latter difference also exists in slavery, where labour-power itself is plainly sold. Under slavery, an above- or below-average labour-power benefits or burdens the slave-owner because it is sold by a third person; under wage labour, the difference affects the worker because the worker sells their own labour-power.
“Value and price of labour,” or wages, differ from the essential relation appearing in them: the value and price of labour-power. Like other forms of appearance, wages reproduce themselves directly and spontaneously as current thought-forms; their hidden relation must be discovered by science. Classical political economy comes near the true relation but cannot consciously formulate it while it remains within its bourgeois horizon.
On the surface of bourgeois society, the worker’s wage appears as the price of a quantity of labour: people speak of labour’s value, its necessary or natural price, and market prices above or below it.
A commodity’s value is the objective form of social labour expended in producing it, measured by the labour contained in it. Calling a twelve-hour day’s value the twelve hours contained in that day is an absurd tautology. The attached Bailey note says Ricardo avoids this difficulty by making labour’s value depend on the labour needed to produce wages — money or commodities given to the worker. Bailey compares this to measuring cloth by the labour needed to produce the silver for which it exchanges.
To be sold as a commodity, labour would have to exist before sale. If the worker could give it an independent existence, the worker would sell a commodity, not labour. The attached source note says labour is created when it is brought to market — indeed before it is created. The local Moore–Aveling body has no inline marker [2], although the corresponding English footnote text exists; no English inline attachment is fabricated here.
Direct exchange of money, realized labour, for living labour would abolish either the value law that develops freely on capitalist ground or capitalist production founded on wage labour itself. A twelve-hour day embodies 6s. If equivalents exchange, the worker receives 6s.; no surplus-value is produced, the money does not become capital, and capitalist production’s basis disappears. If twelve hours exchange for less than twelve hours’ worth, unequal quantities are equated and value determination is abolished. The attached Wakefield note makes the same difficulty explicit: if labour and capital were commodities regulated by equal quantities of labour, past and present labour would exchange equally; but labour’s value is not determined in that way.
It does not help to explain more labour exchanging for less by saying one is realized and the other living labour. Value is determined by the living labour socially necessary for production, not by the labour already embodied. If an invention reduces production from six hours to three, even the earlier commodity’s value falls by half. The attached Sismondi note observes that a new agreement would be required if work done exchanged for work to be done: the capitalist would have to receive the higher value.
The money-owner meets the worker, who sells labour-power. Once labour actually begins, it no longer belongs to the worker and cannot be sold. Labour is value’s substance and immanent measure, yet has no value itself. The attached Hodgskin note calls labour the exclusive standard of value and creator of wealth, but no commodity.
In “value of labour,” the concept of value is not merely lost but reversed. The expression is imaginary, like the value of land, yet such expressions arise from production relations themselves: they are categories for forms in which essential relations appear. Things often appear inverted; political economy is the science that fails to recognize this. The attached Marx note rejects Proudhon’s treatment of labour’s value as a grammatical ellipse or poetic licence. It also mocks Say’s circular definition of value and price: changing words does not dissolve the social relation.
Classical political economy borrowed “price of labour” from ordinary life without criticism. Demand and supply explain only market-price movements; equilibrium and longer averages then point it toward a supposed necessary or natural price, hence a value determined by production costs. Asking for the production costs of labour silently becomes asking what it costs to produce or reproduce the worker. It has therefore reached the value of labour-power, existing in the worker and distinct from labour as a machine is from its operation. But it does not recognize that its own analysis dissolved the supposed value of labour into labour-power’s value. Its unconscious acceptance of the old categories leaves classical political economy in contradictions and gives vulgar economics a basis for worshipping appearances.
Marx now turns to how the value and price of labour-power present themselves in the transformed form of wages.
The daily value of labour-power is calculated for a worker’s lifetime and for a working day of a given length. Assume a habitual twelve-hour day and labour-power worth 3s., representing six hours of labour. Receiving 3s., the worker receives the value of labour-power functioning for twelve hours. When that daily value is expressed as the value of the day’s labour, the formula becomes: twelve hours of labour have a value of 3s. Labour-power’s value thus appears to determine labour’s value or necessary price; a divergence of labour-power’s price from its value appears as the same divergence for labour.
“Value of labour” is an irrational expression for labour-power’s value. Labour-power must appear to have less value than the value it produces because the capitalist keeps it working longer than is necessary to reproduce its own value. In the example, labour-power functioning for twelve hours is worth 3s. and reproduces that value in six hours; its twelve-hour use creates a value-product of 6s. The apparently absurd result is that labour creating 6s. appears to possess a value of 3s. The attached note refers back to Marx’s Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, where he announced the problem of how exchange-value determined by labour-time yields labour’s exchange-value as less than its product’s.
The 3s. representing the paid six hours appears as the value or price of the whole twelve-hour day, including six unpaid hours. Wages therefore erase every trace of the division between necessary and surplus labour, paid and unpaid labour: all labour appears paid. In corvée, work for self and compulsory work for the lord are visibly separate in time and space. In slavery, even the part in which the slave replaces the value of subsistence and thus works for self appears as work for the master; all slave labour appears unpaid. In wage labour, conversely, even unpaid surplus-labour appears paid. Property conceals the slave’s work for self; money conceals the wage-worker’s unpaid work. The attached dated note attributes a comparison to the London free-trade Morning Star during the American Civil War: it protested that the “Negroes in the ‘Confederate States’ worked absolutely for nothing.” Marx says it should instead have compared their daily cost with that of a free East End worker. The historical wording is the note’s, not the reader’s narrative voice.
Transforming the value and price of labour-power into wages, or into the apparent value and price of labour, is decisive. This form of appearance makes the real relation invisible and shows its opposite. It grounds the juridical notions of worker and capitalist, the mystifications of capitalist production, freedom illusions, and vulgar economics’ apologetics.
World history needed time to penetrate the mystery of wages. The necessity — the reasons for the existence — of this form of appearance is, however, easier to understand.
Exchange between capital and labour first presents itself like the purchase and sale of any other commodity: the buyer gives money and the seller an article unlike money. Juridical consciousness sees at most a material difference, stated in legally equivalent formulas: do ut des, do ut facias, facio ut des, facio ut facias. Moore–Aveling’s note [9] renders facio as “produce”: “I give so that you may give; I give so that you may produce; I produce so that you may give; I produce so that you may produce.” German instead glosses facio inline as tue (“do”), so the English translator note has no separate German footnote counterpart.
Since exchange-value and use-value are incommensurable, “value of labour” and “price of labour” do not initially seem stranger than value or price of cotton. The worker is paid after delivering labour, and money as means of payment subsequently realizes the value or price of the article supplied. The useful thing supplied to the capitalist is in fact labour-power’s function — tailoring, shoemaking, spinning, and other useful labour. Its other character, as universal value-creating labour, lies outside ordinary consciousness. These are reasons why labour appears to be the article sold, not proof that it is.
A worker receiving 3s. for twelve hours receives the value-product of six hours, but the twelve hours are, for the worker, the means of buying the 3s. Labour-power’s value may rise from 3s. to 4s. or fall to 2s. with the value of customary means of subsistence; with its value unchanged, its price may rise or fall with demand and supply. The worker still gives twelve hours. Every change in the equivalent received therefore necessarily appears as a change in the value or price of twelve hours’ labour. The attached note says Adam Smith only incidentally refers to variations in the working day when discussing piece-wages. Marx says Smith’s treatment of the day as constant led him to call labour’s value constant despite changing subsistence values.
The capitalist wants as much labour as possible for as little money as possible. In practice, the relevant difference is between labour-power’s price and the value its function creates. Yet the capitalist seeks every commodity cheaply and explains profit as simple cheating: buying below and selling above value. That account blocks the decisive conclusion. If labour really had a value and the capitalist really paid it, no capital would exist and money would not turn into capital.
Wage movements seem to prove that labour, rather than labour-power, is paid. First, wages change with the length of the working day; but it would be equally mistaken to infer that a machine’s operations, rather than the machine, are hired because a week costs more than a day. Second, workers doing the same job receive different wages. The latter difference also exists in slavery, where labour-power itself is plainly sold. Under slavery, an above- or below-average labour-power benefits or burdens the slave-owner because it is sold by a third person; under wage labour, the difference affects the worker because the worker sells their own labour-power.
“Value and price of labour,” or wages, differ from the essential relation appearing in them: the value and price of labour-power. Like other forms of appearance, wages reproduce themselves directly and spontaneously as current thought-forms; their hidden relation must be discovered by science. Classical political economy comes near the true relation but cannot consciously formulate it while it remains within its bourgeois horizon.