Every society must keep producing as it keeps consuming. Seen as a continuous, periodically renewed whole, every social production process is also a reproduction process.
Production conditions are also reproduction conditions. A society must return part of its annual product to production, replacing consumed instruments, raw materials, and auxiliary materials in kind. This material renewal is not yet the definition of simple reproduction as physically identical quantities recurring; it is the condition under which production can continue.
Where production has capitalist form, reproduction has it too. The labour process appears as a means to valorization, and reproduction as a means to reproduce advanced value as self-valorizing capital. A capitalist's economic role adheres only because money repeatedly functions as capital; surplus-value then appears as periodic revenue flowing from capital. Attached German note 1 / Moore–Aveling note [1] cites Sismondi, Nouveaux principes d'économie politique, vol. I, pp. 81–82: wealth seems exposed to exhaustion when its owner consumes others' products, yet under the social order reproduces itself through others' labour and yields annual revenue.
If the capitalist spends this revenue as it is gained, simple reproduction takes place, other circumstances remaining unchanged. It is repetition on the old scale, but continuity dissolves appearances that belong only to an isolated production process. It does not mean that the same physical stock simply recurs unchanged.
The purchase of labour-power for a fixed time is repeatedly renewed. But workers are paid only after their labour-power has produced commodities containing both its own value and surplus-value. Before wages return, they have reproduced the fund from which they are paid: variable capital. Money does not alter that class-level circuit. A worker's earlier product is converted into money and pays later labour; the capitalist class issues money claims on a product produced by workers and appropriated by capitalists, and workers return those claims to obtain their own share. Commodity and money forms veil the transaction. Attached German note 2 / Moore–Aveling note [2] cites Ramsay, p. 142, and J. Mill, Éléments, Paris 1823, pp. 33–34: both describe wages and profits as portions of the finished product.
Variable capital is a particular historical appearance of the fund of means of life, or Arbeitsfonds, that workers need for maintenance and reproduction and must themselves reproduce in every social system. Marx uses Arbeitsfonds here in this ordinary, non-polemical sense; it is not Chapter 22's later target, the fixed wages-fund dogma. The Fronbauer comparison makes the form-change visible. A peasant works three days on their own land and three in compulsory corvée; after the lord appropriates the land, cattle, seed, and other means of production, the same six days become three for the worker and three for the former lord, now a wage-lord. The worker-produced labour fund now appears as capital advanced in wages. Attached German note 3 / Moore–Aveling note [3] cites Cazenove's 1853 note to Malthus: advancing wages adds nothing to labour's maintenance fund. German note 4 / Moore–Aveling note [4] cites Richard Jones, Textbook of Lectures on the Political Economy of Nations, Hertford 1852, p. 36: capitalists advance workers' subsistence in less than one quarter of the earth.
In the continuous flow of capitalist reproduction, variable capital no longer appears as value advanced out of the capitalist's own fund. Yet the process had to begin somewhere, so from this standpoint it can appear that the capitalist first became a money-owner independently of others' unpaid labour. Simple reproduction's continuity nonetheless transforms not only the variable part but total capital. Attached German note 4a / Moore–Aveling note [5] quotes Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, Book II, Chapter III, p. 355 in German and p. 311 in Moore–Aveling: the manufacturer receives wages in advance but these are restored, with profit, in the enhanced value of the product.
If £1,000 capital yields £200 surplus-value annually and that surplus-value is consumed annually, then after five years 5 × £200 equals the £1,000 originally advanced. If only half is consumed yearly, the same result follows after ten years: 10 × £100 = £1,000. In general, divide the capital advanced by surplus-value consumed annually to obtain the number of reproduction periods after which the original capital has been consumed. The conclusion concerns value, not the material stock. Buildings and machinery may still stand, but once the equivalent of the original advance has been consumed, the present capital-value represents appropriated unpaid surplus-value. No value-atom of the old capital remains.
Apart from all accumulation, simple reproduction necessarily turns every capital, sooner or later, into accumulated capital or capitalized surplus-value. Even capital originally earned by its owner becomes value appropriated without equivalent: materialized unpaid labour, whether in money or another form.
Commodity production and circulation alone do not make money capital. Owners of money and means of production must confront owners of nothing but labour-power as buyers and sellers. The separation of labour from its product, and of objective labour conditions from subjective labour-power, is capitalism's given starting condition; the issue is not an unfair exchange.
What began as a condition is continuously produced again as capitalism's own result. Production turns material wealth into capital, means of valorization and enjoyment for the capitalist; workers leave the process as they entered it, sources of wealth but without means to realize it for themselves. Their product becomes capital, while capital reproduces labour-power as a wage-worker separated from its conditions. Attached German note 5 / Moore–Aveling note [6] cites James Mill, p. 242, on productive consumption: what is consumed productively is capital and becomes capital through consumption. German note 6 / Moore–Aveling note [7] cites the 1677 Reasons for a Limited Exportation of Wool, p. 19, and the 1777 Reasons for the Late Increase of the Poor Rates, p. 31: manufacture employs and perpetuates the poor, who are maintained in misery.
Workers consume in two different ways. In production, their labour consumes means of production and turns them into products of higher value: productive consumption, also the capitalist's consumption of purchased labour-power. With wages, workers buy means of subsistence: individual consumption. In the first they function as capital's moving force; in the second they carry out life-functions outside production.
Workers may be compelled to make individual consumption a direct incident of production, supplying themselves with food as coal and water supply a steam engine or oil a wheel. Marx treats this as an abuse not essential to capitalist production, not as the general social-scale claim. Attached German note 7 / Moore–Aveling note [8] says Rossi would not declaim so strongly against productive consumption if he had penetrated its secret.
The matter changes when Marx moves from one capitalist and one worker to the capitalist and working classes. Means of subsistence exchanged for labour-power reproduce workers' muscles, nerves, bones, and brains, and produce new workers. Within necessary limits, working-class consumption reconverts those means into labour-power exploitable by capital. This is a social reproduction claim: maintenance, reproduction, and market return are conditions of capital's reproduction. It does not say every personal act is immediately productive for a particular capitalist. The worker may consume for their own purposes, while capital restricts consumption to what is necessary. Attached German note 8 / Moore–Aveling note [9] cites Liebig, Part I, p. 194, note, on South American miners carrying 100–200 lb from 450 feet deep; Moore–Aveling prints 180–200 lb. Their masters force beans rather than bread because beans contain more bone-earth.
The capitalist and political economist call productive only the part of workers' individual consumption required to perpetuate the working class, so that capital can consume labour-power. For workers themselves it reproduces only the needy individual; for capital and the state it reproduces the power producing others' wealth. Attached German note 9 / Moore–Aveling note [10] cites James Mill, p. 238 and following. German note 10 / Moore–Aveling note [11] cites Ricardo, p. 163: if higher wages allowed no additional labour-power to be employed, additional capital would be unproductively consumed. German note 11 / Moore–Aveling note [12] cites Malthus, Definitions, p. 30, on the worker as productive consumer for employer and state, but not strictly for themself.
From the social standpoint, workers outside the immediate labour process remain an appendage of capital. Individual consumption maintains and reproduces them, then returns them to the labour market as means of subsistence are used up. Marx compares the Roman slave's chains with the wage-worker's invisible threads. The appearance of independence is maintained by changing individual wage-lords and the legal fiction of contract.
Marx records a historical coercive measure: where capital required it, it asserted a proprietary claim over the formally free worker through law. Until 1815, England prohibited the emigration of machine-making mechanics under severe penalties.
Reproducing the working class includes the inheritance and accumulation of skill from one generation to the next. During the American Civil War and cotton famine, most Lancashire cotton workers were thrown out of work. Calls arose for state support or a voluntary national collection to enable the “superfluous” workers to emigrate to English colonies or the United States. The Times published Edmund Potter's 24 March 1863 letter; Potter was a former president of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce. The House of Commons rightly called it the manufacturers' manifesto. Marx introduces quotations in which capital's proprietary claim over labour-power is stated openly. Attached German note 12 / Moore–Aveling note [13] cites Hodgskin, Labour Defended, pp. 12–13 in German and p. 13 in Moore–Aveling, on skill as what is stored and prepared beforehand without capital for most workers. German note 13 / Moore–Aveling note [14] attributes “the manifesto of the manufacturers” to Ferrand's House of Commons motion on the cotton famine, 27 April 1863.
Potter's quoted voice says cotton-worker supply is too large and may need reduction by one third so that the remaining two thirds face healthy demand. Public opinion urges emigration, but “the master,” the cotton manufacturer, cannot willingly see his labour supply removed and claims a right to be heard and perhaps to protest if public funds support emigration.
Marx continues to report Potter's setup. Potter praises the cotton trade for drawing population from Ireland and English agricultural districts; says it supplied 5/13 of English exports in 1860; and predicts renewed expansion through markets, especially India, and a cotton supply at 6d. per lb. The next long quotation remains Potter's voice.
Potter says the necessary quantity may take one, two, or three years to produce. He asks whether the trade is worth retaining and whether “the machinery,” meaning living labour-machines, should be kept in order. He concedes that workers are not property, yet calls them Lancashire and the masters' strength: trained mental power not replaceable in a generation. The machinery they work can, he says, be replaced and improved in twelve months. His conclusion is that emigration of working power must not be encouraged or allowed. Attached German note 14 / Moore–Aveling note [15] recalls the masters' contrary ordinary claim when lowering wages: factory work is a low kind of skilled work, learnable after six months' education, while the master's machinery matters more. The note preserves the contrast between workers allegedly irreplaceable for 30 years and machinery replaceable within 12 months.
Marx interrupts Potter's emotional outcry with a satirical allusion: “This heart-throb recalls Court-Marshal Kalb.” It is Marx's voice, not Potter's.
Potter continues in quotation. Removing the “cream” of workers, he says, devalues fixed capital; reducing the cotton trade by one third, or £5 million in wage expense, harms shopkeepers, rents, cottage rents, farmers, householders, and landowners. He recommends a £5–6 million loan over two or three years, administered by special commissioners attached to Poor Law Guardians in the cotton districts, with compulsory labour to preserve recipients' “moral” standing. This is Potter's proposal and his property-interest argument.
Marx attributes to Potter, the manufacturers' chosen organ, a distinction between two kinds of machinery owned by the capitalist: dead machinery in the factory and living machinery lodged in cottages at night and on Sundays. Dead machinery depreciates and is rapidly superseded; living machinery improves as generations' skill accumulates. Marx then introduces the Times's answer as a distinct voice.
The Times says E. Potter is so impressed by the exceptional importance of the cotton masters that, to preserve their class and trade, he would confine half a million working-class people against their will in one great moral workhouse. The quotation continues in the next German paragraph.
Continuing its satire, the Times answers Potter that the trade is worth retaining by honest means but hesitates over keeping “the machinery” in order. It reads Potter's machinery as human machinery: workers cannot be shut up and oiled until wanted; they may rust, get steam up, burst, or run amok. The Times says machinists and capital can always make more master manufacturers. It then infers the consequence of Potter's position: although workers naturally wish to emigrate, half a million workers and their 700,000 dependants would be held in the cotton districts, their discontent suppressed by force and their subsistence supplied by alms, on the chance masters need them again. Its closing appeal is to save “working power” from treatment like iron, coal, and cotton. Attached German note 15 dates the Times article to 24 March 1863. Moore–Aveling does not carry a separate attached note at this point; its next attached note is [16] on Marx's result in the following paragraph.
Marx says the Times article was only a jeu d'esprit. The supposedly great public opinion actually shared Potter's view that factory operatives were movable fittings of factories. Their emigration was prevented; they were shut in the cotton districts' “moral workhouse” and remained the Lancashire cotton masters' “strength.” Attached German note 16 is the parliamentary-emigration note reported with the result: no public money was voted for workers' emigration, while later millions were voted for landlords during cattle disease.
Capitalist production reproduces the separation of labour-power from labour conditions and therefore perpetuates exploitation's conditions. It repeatedly compels workers to sell labour-power to live and enables capitalists to buy it to enrich themselves. The process, not chance, returns workers to market as sellers and changes their own product into another person's means of buying them. Before any sale to an individual capitalist, the worker belongs to capital. Ökonomische Hörigkeit means economic bondage, not mere dependence; periodic renewal of self-sale, changing individual wage-lords, and oscillations in labour's market price both mediate and conceal it. Attached German note 17 / Moore–Aveling note [17] cites Sismondi, p. 91: the worker demands subsistence to live, the chief labour to gain. German note 18 / Moore–Aveling note [18] records Durham “hind's houses,” cottage rent as part of wages, and the feudal “bondage” contract that can require a worker's daughter to supply their place; it cites Public Health, Report VII (1864), p. 188. German note 19 / Moore–Aveling note [19] recalls that even the formality of voluntary self-sale disappears in child labour.
Taken as a connected continuous process, capitalist production reproduces not only commodities and surplus-value, but the capital relation itself: the capitalist on one side and the wage-worker on the other. Attached German note 20 cites Marx, “Wage-Labour and Capital,” Neue Rheinische Zeitung no. 266, 7 April 1849, from lectures given to the German Workers' Association in Brussels in 1847 and interrupted in print by the February Revolution. The local Moore–Aveling note [20] has no body marker; it remains reported as unattached rather than being assigned to this paragraph.
Every society must keep producing as it keeps consuming. Seen as a continuous, periodically renewed whole, every social production process is also a reproduction process.
Production conditions are also reproduction conditions. A society must return part of its annual product to production, replacing consumed instruments, raw materials, and auxiliary materials in kind. This material renewal is not yet the definition of simple reproduction as physically identical quantities recurring; it is the condition under which production can continue.
Where production has capitalist form, reproduction has it too. The labour process appears as a means to valorization, and reproduction as a means to reproduce advanced value as self-valorizing capital. A capitalist's economic role adheres only because money repeatedly functions as capital; surplus-value then appears as periodic revenue flowing from capital. Attached German note 1 / Moore–Aveling note [1] cites Sismondi, Nouveaux principes d'économie politique, vol. I, pp. 81–82: wealth seems exposed to exhaustion when its owner consumes others' products, yet under the social order reproduces itself through others' labour and yields annual revenue.
If the capitalist spends this revenue as it is gained, simple reproduction takes place, other circumstances remaining unchanged. It is repetition on the old scale, but continuity dissolves appearances that belong only to an isolated production process. It does not mean that the same physical stock simply recurs unchanged.
The purchase of labour-power for a fixed time is repeatedly renewed. But workers are paid only after their labour-power has produced commodities containing both its own value and surplus-value. Before wages return, they have reproduced the fund from which they are paid: variable capital. Money does not alter that class-level circuit. A worker's earlier product is converted into money and pays later labour; the capitalist class issues money claims on a product produced by workers and appropriated by capitalists, and workers return those claims to obtain their own share. Commodity and money forms veil the transaction. Attached German note 2 / Moore–Aveling note [2] cites Ramsay, p. 142, and J. Mill, Éléments, Paris 1823, pp. 33–34: both describe wages and profits as portions of the finished product.
Variable capital is a particular historical appearance of the fund of means of life, or Arbeitsfonds, that workers need for maintenance and reproduction and must themselves reproduce in every social system. Marx uses Arbeitsfonds here in this ordinary, non-polemical sense; it is not Chapter 22's later target, the fixed wages-fund dogma. The Fronbauer comparison makes the form-change visible. A peasant works three days on their own land and three in compulsory corvée; after the lord appropriates the land, cattle, seed, and other means of production, the same six days become three for the worker and three for the former lord, now a wage-lord. The worker-produced labour fund now appears as capital advanced in wages. Attached German note 3 / Moore–Aveling note [3] cites Cazenove's 1853 note to Malthus: advancing wages adds nothing to labour's maintenance fund. German note 4 / Moore–Aveling note [4] cites Richard Jones, Textbook of Lectures on the Political Economy of Nations, Hertford 1852, p. 36: capitalists advance workers' subsistence in less than one quarter of the earth.
In the continuous flow of capitalist reproduction, variable capital no longer appears as value advanced out of the capitalist's own fund. Yet the process had to begin somewhere, so from this standpoint it can appear that the capitalist first became a money-owner independently of others' unpaid labour. Simple reproduction's continuity nonetheless transforms not only the variable part but total capital. Attached German note 4a / Moore–Aveling note [5] quotes Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, Book II, Chapter III, p. 355 in German and p. 311 in Moore–Aveling: the manufacturer receives wages in advance but these are restored, with profit, in the enhanced value of the product.
If £1,000 capital yields £200 surplus-value annually and that surplus-value is consumed annually, then after five years 5 × £200 equals the £1,000 originally advanced. If only half is consumed yearly, the same result follows after ten years: 10 × £100 = £1,000. In general, divide the capital advanced by surplus-value consumed annually to obtain the number of reproduction periods after which the original capital has been consumed. The conclusion concerns value, not the material stock. Buildings and machinery may still stand, but once the equivalent of the original advance has been consumed, the present capital-value represents appropriated unpaid surplus-value. No value-atom of the old capital remains.
Apart from all accumulation, simple reproduction necessarily turns every capital, sooner or later, into accumulated capital or capitalized surplus-value. Even capital originally earned by its owner becomes value appropriated without equivalent: materialized unpaid labour, whether in money or another form.
Commodity production and circulation alone do not make money capital. Owners of money and means of production must confront owners of nothing but labour-power as buyers and sellers. The separation of labour from its product, and of objective labour conditions from subjective labour-power, is capitalism's given starting condition; the issue is not an unfair exchange.
What began as a condition is continuously produced again as capitalism's own result. Production turns material wealth into capital, means of valorization and enjoyment for the capitalist; workers leave the process as they entered it, sources of wealth but without means to realize it for themselves. Their product becomes capital, while capital reproduces labour-power as a wage-worker separated from its conditions. Attached German note 5 / Moore–Aveling note [6] cites James Mill, p. 242, on productive consumption: what is consumed productively is capital and becomes capital through consumption. German note 6 / Moore–Aveling note [7] cites the 1677 Reasons for a Limited Exportation of Wool, p. 19, and the 1777 Reasons for the Late Increase of the Poor Rates, p. 31: manufacture employs and perpetuates the poor, who are maintained in misery.
Workers consume in two different ways. In production, their labour consumes means of production and turns them into products of higher value: productive consumption, also the capitalist's consumption of purchased labour-power. With wages, workers buy means of subsistence: individual consumption. In the first they function as capital's moving force; in the second they carry out life-functions outside production.
Workers may be compelled to make individual consumption a direct incident of production, supplying themselves with food as coal and water supply a steam engine or oil a wheel. Marx treats this as an abuse not essential to capitalist production, not as the general social-scale claim. Attached German note 7 / Moore–Aveling note [8] says Rossi would not declaim so strongly against productive consumption if he had penetrated its secret.
The matter changes when Marx moves from one capitalist and one worker to the capitalist and working classes. Means of subsistence exchanged for labour-power reproduce workers' muscles, nerves, bones, and brains, and produce new workers. Within necessary limits, working-class consumption reconverts those means into labour-power exploitable by capital. This is a social reproduction claim: maintenance, reproduction, and market return are conditions of capital's reproduction. It does not say every personal act is immediately productive for a particular capitalist. The worker may consume for their own purposes, while capital restricts consumption to what is necessary. Attached German note 8 / Moore–Aveling note [9] cites Liebig, Part I, p. 194, note, on South American miners carrying 100–200 lb from 450 feet deep; Moore–Aveling prints 180–200 lb. Their masters force beans rather than bread because beans contain more bone-earth.
The capitalist and political economist call productive only the part of workers' individual consumption required to perpetuate the working class, so that capital can consume labour-power. For workers themselves it reproduces only the needy individual; for capital and the state it reproduces the power producing others' wealth. Attached German note 9 / Moore–Aveling note [10] cites James Mill, p. 238 and following. German note 10 / Moore–Aveling note [11] cites Ricardo, p. 163: if higher wages allowed no additional labour-power to be employed, additional capital would be unproductively consumed. German note 11 / Moore–Aveling note [12] cites Malthus, Definitions, p. 30, on the worker as productive consumer for employer and state, but not strictly for themself.
From the social standpoint, workers outside the immediate labour process remain an appendage of capital. Individual consumption maintains and reproduces them, then returns them to the labour market as means of subsistence are used up. Marx compares the Roman slave's chains with the wage-worker's invisible threads. The appearance of independence is maintained by changing individual wage-lords and the legal fiction of contract.
Marx records a historical coercive measure: where capital required it, it asserted a proprietary claim over the formally free worker through law. Until 1815, England prohibited the emigration of machine-making mechanics under severe penalties.
Reproducing the working class includes the inheritance and accumulation of skill from one generation to the next. During the American Civil War and cotton famine, most Lancashire cotton workers were thrown out of work. Calls arose for state support or a voluntary national collection to enable the “superfluous” workers to emigrate to English colonies or the United States. The Times published Edmund Potter's 24 March 1863 letter; Potter was a former president of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce. The House of Commons rightly called it the manufacturers' manifesto. Marx introduces quotations in which capital's proprietary claim over labour-power is stated openly. Attached German note 12 / Moore–Aveling note [13] cites Hodgskin, Labour Defended, pp. 12–13 in German and p. 13 in Moore–Aveling, on skill as what is stored and prepared beforehand without capital for most workers. German note 13 / Moore–Aveling note [14] attributes “the manifesto of the manufacturers” to Ferrand's House of Commons motion on the cotton famine, 27 April 1863.
Potter's quoted voice says cotton-worker supply is too large and may need reduction by one third so that the remaining two thirds face healthy demand. Public opinion urges emigration, but “the master,” the cotton manufacturer, cannot willingly see his labour supply removed and claims a right to be heard and perhaps to protest if public funds support emigration.
Marx continues to report Potter's setup. Potter praises the cotton trade for drawing population from Ireland and English agricultural districts; says it supplied 5/13 of English exports in 1860; and predicts renewed expansion through markets, especially India, and a cotton supply at 6d. per lb. The next long quotation remains Potter's voice.
Potter says the necessary quantity may take one, two, or three years to produce. He asks whether the trade is worth retaining and whether “the machinery,” meaning living labour-machines, should be kept in order. He concedes that workers are not property, yet calls them Lancashire and the masters' strength: trained mental power not replaceable in a generation. The machinery they work can, he says, be replaced and improved in twelve months. His conclusion is that emigration of working power must not be encouraged or allowed. Attached German note 14 / Moore–Aveling note [15] recalls the masters' contrary ordinary claim when lowering wages: factory work is a low kind of skilled work, learnable after six months' education, while the master's machinery matters more. The note preserves the contrast between workers allegedly irreplaceable for 30 years and machinery replaceable within 12 months.
Marx interrupts Potter's emotional outcry with a satirical allusion: “This heart-throb recalls Court-Marshal Kalb.” It is Marx's voice, not Potter's.
Potter continues in quotation. Removing the “cream” of workers, he says, devalues fixed capital; reducing the cotton trade by one third, or £5 million in wage expense, harms shopkeepers, rents, cottage rents, farmers, householders, and landowners. He recommends a £5–6 million loan over two or three years, administered by special commissioners attached to Poor Law Guardians in the cotton districts, with compulsory labour to preserve recipients' “moral” standing. This is Potter's proposal and his property-interest argument.
Marx attributes to Potter, the manufacturers' chosen organ, a distinction between two kinds of machinery owned by the capitalist: dead machinery in the factory and living machinery lodged in cottages at night and on Sundays. Dead machinery depreciates and is rapidly superseded; living machinery improves as generations' skill accumulates. Marx then introduces the Times's answer as a distinct voice.
The Times says E. Potter is so impressed by the exceptional importance of the cotton masters that, to preserve their class and trade, he would confine half a million working-class people against their will in one great moral workhouse. The quotation continues in the next German paragraph.
Continuing its satire, the Times answers Potter that the trade is worth retaining by honest means but hesitates over keeping “the machinery” in order. It reads Potter's machinery as human machinery: workers cannot be shut up and oiled until wanted; they may rust, get steam up, burst, or run amok. The Times says machinists and capital can always make more master manufacturers. It then infers the consequence of Potter's position: although workers naturally wish to emigrate, half a million workers and their 700,000 dependants would be held in the cotton districts, their discontent suppressed by force and their subsistence supplied by alms, on the chance masters need them again. Its closing appeal is to save “working power” from treatment like iron, coal, and cotton. Attached German note 15 dates the Times article to 24 March 1863. Moore–Aveling does not carry a separate attached note at this point; its next attached note is [16] on Marx's result in the following paragraph.
Marx says the Times article was only a jeu d'esprit. The supposedly great public opinion actually shared Potter's view that factory operatives were movable fittings of factories. Their emigration was prevented; they were shut in the cotton districts' “moral workhouse” and remained the Lancashire cotton masters' “strength.” Attached German note 16 is the parliamentary-emigration note reported with the result: no public money was voted for workers' emigration, while later millions were voted for landlords during cattle disease.
Capitalist production reproduces the separation of labour-power from labour conditions and therefore perpetuates exploitation's conditions. It repeatedly compels workers to sell labour-power to live and enables capitalists to buy it to enrich themselves. The process, not chance, returns workers to market as sellers and changes their own product into another person's means of buying them. Before any sale to an individual capitalist, the worker belongs to capital. Ökonomische Hörigkeit means economic bondage, not mere dependence; periodic renewal of self-sale, changing individual wage-lords, and oscillations in labour's market price both mediate and conceal it. Attached German note 17 / Moore–Aveling note [17] cites Sismondi, p. 91: the worker demands subsistence to live, the chief labour to gain. German note 18 / Moore–Aveling note [18] records Durham “hind's houses,” cottage rent as part of wages, and the feudal “bondage” contract that can require a worker's daughter to supply their place; it cites Public Health, Report VII (1864), p. 188. German note 19 / Moore–Aveling note [19] recalls that even the formality of voluntary self-sale disappears in child labour.
Taken as a connected continuous process, capitalist production reproduces not only commodities and surplus-value, but the capital relation itself: the capitalist on one side and the wage-worker on the other. Attached German note 20 cites Marx, “Wage-Labour and Capital,” Neue Rheinische Zeitung no. 266, 7 April 1849, from lectures given to the German Workers' Association in Brussels in 1847 and interrupted in print by the February Revolution. The local Moore–Aveling note [20] has no body marker; it remains reported as unattached rather than being assigned to this paragraph.