As before, we take the value of labour-power — and therefore the part of the working day needed just to keep that labour-power alive — as a given, constant magnitude.
With that assumption in place, the rate of surplus-value fixes the mass of surplus-value a single worker delivers to the capitalist in a given time.
Suppose the necessary labour is 6 hours a day, expressed in a quantum of gold worth 3 shillings (1 taler). That taler is the daily value of one labour-power — the capital value advanced to buy it. If the rate of surplus-value is 100%, this variable capital of 1 taler produces a mass of surplus-value of 1 taler. The worker delivers 6 hours of surplus labour every day.
But the variable capital is the money-expression of the total value of all the labour-powers a capitalist uses at once. Its value equals the average value of one labour-power multiplied by the number of labour-powers employed. With the value of labour-power given, the size of the variable capital varies directly with the number of workers employed at the same time.
If the daily value of one labour-power is 1 taler, you must advance a capital of 100 talers to exploit 100 workers daily — or n talers to exploit n workers.
By the same logic: if a variable capital of 1 taler — the daily value of one labour-power — produces a daily surplus-value of 1 taler, then a variable capital of 100 talers produces a daily surplus-value of 100, and one of n talers a daily surplus-value of 1 taler × n.
The mass of surplus-value produced equals the surplus-value that one worker's day supplies, multiplied by the number of workers employed.
Since the mass of surplus-value a single worker produces — given the value of labour-power — is determined by the rate of surplus-value, this first law follows: the mass of the surplus-value produced equals the size of the variable capital advanced multiplied by the rate of surplus-value. Or it is determined by the compound ratio between the number of labour-powers simultaneously exploited by the same capitalist and the degree of exploitation of each individual labour-power.
We constantly assume not only that the value of an average labour-power is constant, but also that the workers a capitalist employs are reduced to average workers. There are exception cases where the surplus-value produced does not grow in proportion to the number of workers exploited, but in those cases the value of labour-power does not remain constant either.
In producing a definite mass of surplus-value, a fall in one factor can be offset by a rise in the other. If the variable capital shrinks while the rate of surplus-value rises in the same proportion, the mass of surplus-value produced stays the same.
Under our earlier assumptions, the capitalist had to advance 100 talers to exploit 100 workers daily, and at a rate of surplus-value of 50% this variable capital of 100 yielded a surplus-value of 50 talers, or 100 × 3 working hours. If the rate of surplus-value doubles — the working day extended from 6 to 12 hours instead of 6 to 9 — then the halved variable capital of 50 talers also yields a surplus-value of 50 talers, or 50 × 6 working hours.
A fall in the variable capital can therefore be offset by a proportional rise in the degree of exploitation, or a fall in the number of workers by a proportional lengthening of the working day. Within certain limits, the supply of labour that capital can wring out becomes independent of the supply of workers.
Conversely, a fall in the rate of surplus-value leaves the mass of surplus-value unchanged if the size of the variable capital or the number of workers grows proportionally.
But substituting a higher rate of surplus-value or a longer working day for a greater number of workers or a larger variable capital has an impassable limit. Whatever the value of labour-power is — whether the labour-time needed to maintain the worker is 2 hours or 10 — the total value a worker can produce day in, day out is always less than the value embodied in 24 working hours (less than 12 shillings, or 4 talers, if that is the money-expression of 24 embodied hours).
Under our earlier assumption, where 6 working hours are daily required to reproduce the labour-power itself, a variable capital of 500 talers employing 500 workers at a rate of surplus-value of 100% (a 12-hour working day) produces a daily surplus-value of 500 talers, or 6 × 500 working hours. A capital of 100 talers employing 100 workers at a rate of surplus-value of 200% (an 18-hour working day) produces only a mass of surplus-value of 200 talers, or 12 × 100 working hours. And its total value-product — the equivalent of the variable capital advanced plus the surplus-value — can never reach 400 talers, or 24 × 100 working hours.
The absolute limit of the average working day — which by nature is always less than 24 hours — forms an absolute bound on replacing reduced variable capital with a higher rate of surplus-value, or fewer exploited workers with a higher degree of exploitation.
This tangible second law matters for explaining many phenomena arising from capital's tendency (to be developed later) to reduce the number of workers it employs as much as possible, contradicting its other tendency to produce the greatest possible mass of surplus-value. Conversely, if the mass of labour-power employed or the amount of variable capital increases, but not in proportion to the fall in the rate of surplus-value, the mass of surplus-value produced falls.
A third law follows from determining the mass of surplus-value by its two factors: the rate of surplus-value and the size of the variable capital advanced.
Given the rate of surplus-value (the degree of exploitation) and the value of labour-power (the amount of necessary labour-time), the greater the variable capital, the greater the mass of value and surplus-value produced. With the limit of the working day given, and the limit of its necessary part given, the mass of value and surplus-value an individual capitalist produces clearly depends exclusively on the mass of labour he sets in motion. Under our assumptions, that depends on the mass of labour-power — the number of workers he exploits — and that number is set by the size of the variable capital he advances. At a given rate of surplus-value and a given value of labour-power, the masses of surplus-value produced vary directly with the sizes of the variable capitals advanced.
We know the capitalist splits his capital into two parts. One part goes into means of production: the constant part of his capital. The other goes into living labour-power: his variable capital. On the same basis of production, the split between constant and variable differs across different branches of production, and within the same branch it changes as the technical conditions and social combinations of the production process change.
But however a given capital breaks into constant and variable — whether the latter stands to the former as 1 : 2, 1 : 10, or 1 : x — the law just laid down is unaffected. According to our earlier analysis, the value of constant capital reappears in the product's value but does not enter into the newly created value-product. To employ 1,000 spinners requires more raw material, spindles, and so on than to employ 100. But the value of those added means of production may rise, fall, stay unchanged, be large or small — it remains without any influence on the valorization process of the labour-powers that set them in motion.
The law takes this form: the masses of value and surplus-value produced by different capitals — given the value of labour-power and an equal degree of exploitation — vary directly with the sizes of the variable constituents of these capitals, that is, their constituents transformed into living labour-power.
This law clearly contradicts all experience grounded in appearance. Everyone knows that a cotton spinner, who — reckoning by the percentage of his total applied capital — employs relatively much constant and little variable capital, does not pocket less profit or surplus-value than a baker, who sets in motion relatively much variable and little constant capital.
Resolving this apparent contradiction requires many intermediate links — just as, from the standpoint of elementary algebra, many intermediate links are needed to understand that 0 / 0 can represent an actual magnitude. Classical economy, though it never formulated the law, clings to it instinctively because it is a necessary consequence of the law of value in general. It tries to rescue it from collision with the phenomena of appearance through violent abstraction. The Ricardian school came to grief over this stumbling block. Vulgar economy, which "has really learnt nothing," clings here, as everywhere, to appearance against the law of appearance. In opposition to Spinoza, it believes that "ignorance is a sufficient reason."
The labour set in motion day in, day out by a society's total capital can be viewed as a single working day. If the number of workers is a million, and the average worker's day is 10 hours, the social working day consists of 10 million hours.
With a given length for this working day — whether its limits are drawn physically or socially — the mass of surplus-value can only be increased by increasing the number of workers, that is, the working population. The growth of population forms the mathematical limit for the production of surplus-value by the total social capital. Conversely, with a given population size, that limit is formed by the possible lengthening of the working day.
We will see in the following chapter that this law holds only for the form of surplus-value dealt with up to now.
What has been said so far shows that not just any sum of money or value can be transformed into capital. To make that transformation, a definite minimum of money or exchange-value must be in the hands of the individual possessor of money or commodities.
The minimum of variable capital is the cost-price of a single labour-power, used the whole year through, day in, day out, to produce surplus-value. Suppose this worker owned his own means of production and was content to live as a worker. He would need to work only the time necessary to reproduce his means of subsistence — say 8 hours a day. He would need means of production for only 8 working hours. The capitalist, by contrast, who makes him perform 4 hours of surplus-labour on top of those 8, needs an extra sum of money to provide the extra means of production.
On our assumption, the capitalist would already need to employ two workers just to live off the daily surplus-value appropriated — to satisfy his own necessary needs — as well as an ordinary worker. In that case, mere subsistence would be the purpose of his production, not an increase in wealth. But an increase in wealth is presupposed in capitalist production. So that he might live twice as well as an ordinary worker and turn half the surplus-value produced back into capital, he would have to raise the minimum of the capital advanced eightfold, along with the number of workers.
Of course he can set his own hand to work in the production process, like his worker, but then he is only a hybrid between capitalist and worker — a "small master." A certain level of capitalist production requires that the capitalist be able to devote the whole time during which he functions as a capitalist — that is, as personified capital — to appropriating and therefore controlling the labour of others, and to selling the products of that labour.
The guild system of the Middle Ages tried violently to prevent the transformation of the master of a trade into a capitalist by limiting the number of workers a single master could employ to a very small maximum. The possessor of money or commodities actually turns into a capitalist only where the minimum sum advanced for production far exceeds the medieval maximum.
Here, as in natural science, the correctness of the law discovered by Hegel in his Logic is confirmed: merely quantitative changes at a certain point pass into qualitative differences.
The minimum sum of value an individual possessor of money or commodities must command to transform himself into a capitalist changes at different stages of development of capitalist production. At a given stage, it differs across different spheres of production according to their special technical conditions.
Certain spheres of production demand, even at the very beginnings of capitalist production, a minimum of capital not yet found in the hands of single individuals. This gives rise partly to state subsidies to private persons — as in France under Colbert, and in some German states right up to our own epoch — and partly to the formation of societies with legal monopolies for the operation of certain branches of industry and commerce. Martin Luther called these institutions "Company Monopolia." They are the forerunners of modern joint-stock companies.
We will not dwell on the details of the changes that the relationship between capitalist and wage-worker underwent in the course of the production process, nor on the further specifications of capital itself. Only a few main points will be stressed here.
Within the production process, capital developed into command over labour — that is, over functioning labour-power, or the worker himself. Personified capital, the capitalist, takes care that the worker does his work properly and with the right degree of intensity.
Capital further developed into a coercive relation that compels the working class to perform more labour than the narrow round of its own life-needs prescribes. As a producer of others' toil, as a pumper-out of surplus labour and an exploiter of labour-power, it surpasses in energy, recklessness, and efficiency all earlier systems of production based on directly compulsory labour.
At first, capital subordinates labour under the technical conditions in which it historically finds it. It does not, therefore, immediately change the mode of production. The production of surplus-value in the form considered so far — by simple lengthening of the working day — proved to be independent of any change in the mode of production itself. It was no less effective in the old-fashioned bakery than in the modern cotton mill.
If we look at the production process from the point of view of the labour process, the worker relates to the means of production not as capital, but as mere means and material of his purposeful productive activity. In a tannery, for example, he treats the skins as his mere object of labour. It is not the capitalist whose skin he tans.
That changes as soon as we consider the production process from the point of view of valorization. The means of production immediately turn into means for sucking up the labour of others. It is no longer the worker who applies the means of production, but the means of production that apply the worker. Instead of being consumed by him as material elements of his productive activity, they consume him as the ferment of their own life-process — and the life-process of capital consists only in its movement as self-expanding value.
Furnaces and workshops that stand idle by night and suck up no living labour are a "mere loss" to the capitalist. Hence furnaces and workshops constitute a lawful claim on the night-labour of the work-people. The mere transformation of money into the material factors of the production process — into means of production — transforms those factors into a legal title and a warrant of compulsion over the labour and surplus-labour of others.
An example will show, finally, how this inversion — this complete topsy-turvy of the relation between dead and living labour, between value and value-creating power, peculiar to and characteristic of capitalist production — mirrors itself in the consciousness of capitalist heads.
During the English factory revolt of 1848–1850, "the head of one of the oldest and most respectable firms in the West of Scotland, Messrs. Carlile, Sons & Co., of the linen and cotton thread factory at Paisley, a company which has existed since 1752 and has been carried on by generation after generation of the same family" — this highly intelligent gentleman wrote a letter to the Glasgow Daily Mail of 25 April 1849 under the title "The Relay System," in which, among other things, the following grotesquely naïve passage occurs:
"Let us now see what evils attend the reduction of the working time from 12 to 10 hours... They amount to the most serious damage to the manufacturer's prospects and property. If he" (that is, his "hands") "worked 12 hours and is limited to 10, then every 12 machines or spindles in his establishment shrink to 10, and should the factory be put up for sale, they will be valued only as 10 — so that a sixth part of the value of every factory in the country would be deducted."
To this bourgeois capitalist brain of west Scotland — inheriting the accumulated capitalistic qualities of four generations — the value of the means of production, spindles and so on, blurs so completely with their character as capital, their capacity to expand their own value or to swallow a definite quantum of other people's unpaid labour daily, that the head of the house of Carlile & Co. actually imagines that if he sells his factory, he will be paid not only the value of the spindles but, on top of that, their power of self-expansion — not only the labour embodied in them and necessary to produce spindles of the same kind, but also the surplus-labour they help daily to pump out of the worthy Scots of Paisley. And for that very reason, he believes, with a shortening of the working day by two hours, the selling-price of every 12 spinning machines shrinks to that of 10!
As before, we take the value of labour-power — and therefore the part of the working day needed just to keep that labour-power alive — as a given, constant magnitude.
With that assumption in place, the rate of surplus-value fixes the mass of surplus-value a single worker delivers to the capitalist in a given time.
Suppose the necessary labour is 6 hours a day, expressed in a quantum of gold worth 3 shillings (1 taler). That taler is the daily value of one labour-power — the capital value advanced to buy it. If the rate of surplus-value is 100%, this variable capital of 1 taler produces a mass of surplus-value of 1 taler. The worker delivers 6 hours of surplus labour every day.
But the variable capital is the money-expression of the total value of all the labour-powers a capitalist uses at once. Its value equals the average value of one labour-power multiplied by the number of labour-powers employed. With the value of labour-power given, the size of the variable capital varies directly with the number of workers employed at the same time.
If the daily value of one labour-power is 1 taler, you must advance a capital of 100 talers to exploit 100 workers daily — or n talers to exploit n workers.
By the same logic: if a variable capital of 1 taler — the daily value of one labour-power — produces a daily surplus-value of 1 taler, then a variable capital of 100 talers produces a daily surplus-value of 100, and one of n talers a daily surplus-value of 1 taler × n.
The mass of surplus-value produced equals the surplus-value that one worker's day supplies, multiplied by the number of workers employed.
Since the mass of surplus-value a single worker produces — given the value of labour-power — is determined by the rate of surplus-value, this first law follows: the mass of the surplus-value produced equals the size of the variable capital advanced multiplied by the rate of surplus-value. Or it is determined by the compound ratio between the number of labour-powers simultaneously exploited by the same capitalist and the degree of exploitation of each individual labour-power.
We constantly assume not only that the value of an average labour-power is constant, but also that the workers a capitalist employs are reduced to average workers. There are exception cases where the surplus-value produced does not grow in proportion to the number of workers exploited, but in those cases the value of labour-power does not remain constant either.
In producing a definite mass of surplus-value, a fall in one factor can be offset by a rise in the other. If the variable capital shrinks while the rate of surplus-value rises in the same proportion, the mass of surplus-value produced stays the same.
Under our earlier assumptions, the capitalist had to advance 100 talers to exploit 100 workers daily, and at a rate of surplus-value of 50% this variable capital of 100 yielded a surplus-value of 50 talers, or 100 × 3 working hours. If the rate of surplus-value doubles — the working day extended from 6 to 12 hours instead of 6 to 9 — then the halved variable capital of 50 talers also yields a surplus-value of 50 talers, or 50 × 6 working hours.
A fall in the variable capital can therefore be offset by a proportional rise in the degree of exploitation, or a fall in the number of workers by a proportional lengthening of the working day. Within certain limits, the supply of labour that capital can wring out becomes independent of the supply of workers.
Conversely, a fall in the rate of surplus-value leaves the mass of surplus-value unchanged if the size of the variable capital or the number of workers grows proportionally.
But substituting a higher rate of surplus-value or a longer working day for a greater number of workers or a larger variable capital has an impassable limit. Whatever the value of labour-power is — whether the labour-time needed to maintain the worker is 2 hours or 10 — the total value a worker can produce day in, day out is always less than the value embodied in 24 working hours (less than 12 shillings, or 4 talers, if that is the money-expression of 24 embodied hours).
Under our earlier assumption, where 6 working hours are daily required to reproduce the labour-power itself, a variable capital of 500 talers employing 500 workers at a rate of surplus-value of 100% (a 12-hour working day) produces a daily surplus-value of 500 talers, or 6 × 500 working hours. A capital of 100 talers employing 100 workers at a rate of surplus-value of 200% (an 18-hour working day) produces only a mass of surplus-value of 200 talers, or 12 × 100 working hours. And its total value-product — the equivalent of the variable capital advanced plus the surplus-value — can never reach 400 talers, or 24 × 100 working hours.
The absolute limit of the average working day — which by nature is always less than 24 hours — forms an absolute bound on replacing reduced variable capital with a higher rate of surplus-value, or fewer exploited workers with a higher degree of exploitation.
This tangible second law matters for explaining many phenomena arising from capital's tendency (to be developed later) to reduce the number of workers it employs as much as possible, contradicting its other tendency to produce the greatest possible mass of surplus-value. Conversely, if the mass of labour-power employed or the amount of variable capital increases, but not in proportion to the fall in the rate of surplus-value, the mass of surplus-value produced falls.
A third law follows from determining the mass of surplus-value by its two factors: the rate of surplus-value and the size of the variable capital advanced.
Given the rate of surplus-value (the degree of exploitation) and the value of labour-power (the amount of necessary labour-time), the greater the variable capital, the greater the mass of value and surplus-value produced. With the limit of the working day given, and the limit of its necessary part given, the mass of value and surplus-value an individual capitalist produces clearly depends exclusively on the mass of labour he sets in motion. Under our assumptions, that depends on the mass of labour-power — the number of workers he exploits — and that number is set by the size of the variable capital he advances. At a given rate of surplus-value and a given value of labour-power, the masses of surplus-value produced vary directly with the sizes of the variable capitals advanced.
We know the capitalist splits his capital into two parts. One part goes into means of production: the constant part of his capital. The other goes into living labour-power: his variable capital. On the same basis of production, the split between constant and variable differs across different branches of production, and within the same branch it changes as the technical conditions and social combinations of the production process change.
But however a given capital breaks into constant and variable — whether the latter stands to the former as 1 : 2, 1 : 10, or 1 : x — the law just laid down is unaffected. According to our earlier analysis, the value of constant capital reappears in the product's value but does not enter into the newly created value-product. To employ 1,000 spinners requires more raw material, spindles, and so on than to employ 100. But the value of those added means of production may rise, fall, stay unchanged, be large or small — it remains without any influence on the valorization process of the labour-powers that set them in motion.
The law takes this form: the masses of value and surplus-value produced by different capitals — given the value of labour-power and an equal degree of exploitation — vary directly with the sizes of the variable constituents of these capitals, that is, their constituents transformed into living labour-power.
This law clearly contradicts all experience grounded in appearance. Everyone knows that a cotton spinner, who — reckoning by the percentage of his total applied capital — employs relatively much constant and little variable capital, does not pocket less profit or surplus-value than a baker, who sets in motion relatively much variable and little constant capital.
Resolving this apparent contradiction requires many intermediate links — just as, from the standpoint of elementary algebra, many intermediate links are needed to understand that 0 / 0 can represent an actual magnitude. Classical economy, though it never formulated the law, clings to it instinctively because it is a necessary consequence of the law of value in general. It tries to rescue it from collision with the phenomena of appearance through violent abstraction. The Ricardian school came to grief over this stumbling block. Vulgar economy, which "has really learnt nothing," clings here, as everywhere, to appearance against the law of appearance. In opposition to Spinoza, it believes that "ignorance is a sufficient reason."
The labour set in motion day in, day out by a society's total capital can be viewed as a single working day. If the number of workers is a million, and the average worker's day is 10 hours, the social working day consists of 10 million hours.
With a given length for this working day — whether its limits are drawn physically or socially — the mass of surplus-value can only be increased by increasing the number of workers, that is, the working population. The growth of population forms the mathematical limit for the production of surplus-value by the total social capital. Conversely, with a given population size, that limit is formed by the possible lengthening of the working day.
We will see in the following chapter that this law holds only for the form of surplus-value dealt with up to now.
What has been said so far shows that not just any sum of money or value can be transformed into capital. To make that transformation, a definite minimum of money or exchange-value must be in the hands of the individual possessor of money or commodities.
The minimum of variable capital is the cost-price of a single labour-power, used the whole year through, day in, day out, to produce surplus-value. Suppose this worker owned his own means of production and was content to live as a worker. He would need to work only the time necessary to reproduce his means of subsistence — say 8 hours a day. He would need means of production for only 8 working hours. The capitalist, by contrast, who makes him perform 4 hours of surplus-labour on top of those 8, needs an extra sum of money to provide the extra means of production.
On our assumption, the capitalist would already need to employ two workers just to live off the daily surplus-value appropriated — to satisfy his own necessary needs — as well as an ordinary worker. In that case, mere subsistence would be the purpose of his production, not an increase in wealth. But an increase in wealth is presupposed in capitalist production. So that he might live twice as well as an ordinary worker and turn half the surplus-value produced back into capital, he would have to raise the minimum of the capital advanced eightfold, along with the number of workers.
Of course he can set his own hand to work in the production process, like his worker, but then he is only a hybrid between capitalist and worker — a "small master." A certain level of capitalist production requires that the capitalist be able to devote the whole time during which he functions as a capitalist — that is, as personified capital — to appropriating and therefore controlling the labour of others, and to selling the products of that labour.
The guild system of the Middle Ages tried violently to prevent the transformation of the master of a trade into a capitalist by limiting the number of workers a single master could employ to a very small maximum. The possessor of money or commodities actually turns into a capitalist only where the minimum sum advanced for production far exceeds the medieval maximum.
Here, as in natural science, the correctness of the law discovered by Hegel in his Logic is confirmed: merely quantitative changes at a certain point pass into qualitative differences.
The minimum sum of value an individual possessor of money or commodities must command to transform himself into a capitalist changes at different stages of development of capitalist production. At a given stage, it differs across different spheres of production according to their special technical conditions.
Certain spheres of production demand, even at the very beginnings of capitalist production, a minimum of capital not yet found in the hands of single individuals. This gives rise partly to state subsidies to private persons — as in France under Colbert, and in some German states right up to our own epoch — and partly to the formation of societies with legal monopolies for the operation of certain branches of industry and commerce. Martin Luther called these institutions "Company Monopolia." They are the forerunners of modern joint-stock companies.
We will not dwell on the details of the changes that the relationship between capitalist and wage-worker underwent in the course of the production process, nor on the further specifications of capital itself. Only a few main points will be stressed here.
Within the production process, capital developed into command over labour — that is, over functioning labour-power, or the worker himself. Personified capital, the capitalist, takes care that the worker does his work properly and with the right degree of intensity.
Capital further developed into a coercive relation that compels the working class to perform more labour than the narrow round of its own life-needs prescribes. As a producer of others' toil, as a pumper-out of surplus labour and an exploiter of labour-power, it surpasses in energy, recklessness, and efficiency all earlier systems of production based on directly compulsory labour.
At first, capital subordinates labour under the technical conditions in which it historically finds it. It does not, therefore, immediately change the mode of production. The production of surplus-value in the form considered so far — by simple lengthening of the working day — proved to be independent of any change in the mode of production itself. It was no less effective in the old-fashioned bakery than in the modern cotton mill.
If we look at the production process from the point of view of the labour process, the worker relates to the means of production not as capital, but as mere means and material of his purposeful productive activity. In a tannery, for example, he treats the skins as his mere object of labour. It is not the capitalist whose skin he tans.
That changes as soon as we consider the production process from the point of view of valorization. The means of production immediately turn into means for sucking up the labour of others. It is no longer the worker who applies the means of production, but the means of production that apply the worker. Instead of being consumed by him as material elements of his productive activity, they consume him as the ferment of their own life-process — and the life-process of capital consists only in its movement as self-expanding value.
Furnaces and workshops that stand idle by night and suck up no living labour are a "mere loss" to the capitalist. Hence furnaces and workshops constitute a lawful claim on the night-labour of the work-people. The mere transformation of money into the material factors of the production process — into means of production — transforms those factors into a legal title and a warrant of compulsion over the labour and surplus-labour of others.
An example will show, finally, how this inversion — this complete topsy-turvy of the relation between dead and living labour, between value and value-creating power, peculiar to and characteristic of capitalist production — mirrors itself in the consciousness of capitalist heads.
During the English factory revolt of 1848–1850, "the head of one of the oldest and most respectable firms in the West of Scotland, Messrs. Carlile, Sons & Co., of the linen and cotton thread factory at Paisley, a company which has existed since 1752 and has been carried on by generation after generation of the same family" — this highly intelligent gentleman wrote a letter to the Glasgow Daily Mail of 25 April 1849 under the title "The Relay System," in which, among other things, the following grotesquely naïve passage occurs:
"Let us now see what evils attend the reduction of the working time from 12 to 10 hours... They amount to the most serious damage to the manufacturer's prospects and property. If he" (that is, his "hands") "worked 12 hours and is limited to 10, then every 12 machines or spindles in his establishment shrink to 10, and should the factory be put up for sale, they will be valued only as 10 — so that a sixth part of the value of every factory in the country would be deducted."
To this bourgeois capitalist brain of west Scotland — inheriting the accumulated capitalistic qualities of four generations — the value of the means of production, spindles and so on, blurs so completely with their character as capital, their capacity to expand their own value or to swallow a definite quantum of other people's unpaid labour daily, that the head of the house of Carlile & Co. actually imagines that if he sells his factory, he will be paid not only the value of the spindles but, on top of that, their power of self-expansion — not only the labour embodied in them and necessary to produce spindles of the same kind, but also the surplus-labour they help daily to pump out of the worthy Scots of Paisley. And for that very reason, he believes, with a shortening of the working day by two hours, the selling-price of every 12 spinning machines shrinks to that of 10!